Diviners in South Africa

[Warrior Princess]

*I found this article/website to be nice.*

Diviners in Southern Africa
by Jean-francois Sobiecki


The true African diviner is a person of incredible healing power, a servant of the suffering who uses his/her experience and insight into the human condition to treat and cure the afflicted.

It should be noted that a lot of the information on this website is derived from previous studies on traditional healing, and sometimes quite old work, which makes some ogf the information quite historical. As we know cultures change rapidly and new investigations are urgently needed to build on the traditional healing skeleton outlined here. No one healer is alike in the way he/she heals-and traditional healing practices vary enormously over short distances and time, so please excuse over simplifications and generalizations.

Firstly traditional medicine can be understood as the health care practices which are unique to a specific culture (culture bound) that existed before the arrival of western medical practices.

To begin to understand traditional medicine/healing in Southern Africa one needs to understand the worldview of the Southern Bantu-speaking people. This is because cultures vary in their explanatory models (how a culture makes sense of illness and misfortune and how they treat themselves). How do the Southern Bantu-speaking people make sense of illness and how does illness and misfortune fit into their worldview or view of reality? Who are the restorers of health and how do they achieve this?
World View and Illness Aetiology

Hammond-Tooke (1898:32) explains that healing practices are part of wider system of concepts that constitute a culture's world-view. An example would be the relationship between healing and religious beliefs in many cultures. In Southern Africa, religion and disease/illness causation are closely interwoven.

He goes on to explain that the world-view of the South African Bantu-speakers can be attributed to four major influences on the human condition, namely: a supreme being (who rarely seems to intercede in the affairs of man), the ancestors, witches and pollution beliefs (1989:46). These agents can cause serious illness (De Wet 1998). In addition there are natural biological causes of illness and disease that "just happen" and which result from natural degradation of bodily systems or environmental or genetic predisposition (Hammond-Tooke 1989:56-57).

Among the Zulu the notion of disease (isifo) encompasses physical sickness together with misfortune and imbalance. Thus, anything that brings one into disharmony, be it with the environment or others can be perceived as potentially disease/illness causing.
From the fieldwork I have conducted in Gauteng province, South Africa, the ancestors and witchcraft are the two major traditional beliefs describing illness causation among South African healers and patients.

Generally among the Southern Bantu-speakers the spirits of deceased ancestors are frequently held responsible for sending illness because the living err in some way. This can be by not observing taboos such as neglecting "customs of the home" and important rituals marking life cycle points, or disrespecting seniors etc. As Ngubane (1977:51) explains, the spirits of deceased ancestors or Amadlozi (Zulu) are concerned with the lives of the living, and either protect or discipline them. However they usually bestow blessings on the living and withdraw them only in exceptional cases (Ngubane 1977:58). The ancestors pervade the life of many Africans, and from observing healers and patients in Johannesburg, the reliance on the spirit world is ever present. As Jansen (1992:94) points out, "The worldview that inspires cults of affliction (that of the isangomas (diviners) call to the profession (ukuthwasa) with its subsequent and typical suffering) includes as an axiom, the idea that ancestral shades and spirits, ultimately expressions of the power of God, may influence or intervene in human affairs. He goes on to say "They are held responsible for visiting their sentiments and forces upon humans through sickness and misfortune." Among my interactions with healers the ancestors are seen to do Gods work. Leti, a South African diviner, explained that "The ancestors and God work together." During rituals God is invoked to make all healing possible, but God is believed to work through his "angels" (the ancestors) in helping people. Marvin Harris in his book Our Kind states " most of the early creator gods abstained from contact with human beings." Perhaps only with the arrival of monotheism did the belief arise that God is directly involved in humans lives.

The witches (umthakathi: Xhosa ) and sorcerers (baloyi: Sotho) are people who are believed to have the mystical ability to harm others and can; become possessed by evil spirits, change shape, use medicines to harm and send agents/animals to do evil deeds. Witchcraft is a force to be reckoned with and protected against in the lives of many Southern African Bantu-speakers. The trans-human (spirits and magic e.g.) is not perceived as an intangible, abstract concept but is considered to be a powerful force that can be used to manipulate outcomes, for the good or bad. There is commonplace selling of protective plant charms (intelezis) that are believed to thwart the malicious intents of others who are sometimes believed to be witches. Often such witches are people who are jealous of others success. One example of a plant that is used to protect people from witchcraft attacks is umathithibala or Haworthia fasciata (Wild.) Haw that is grown around the homestead.

Undoubtedly there are some individuals who wilfully perform antisocial acts with the intention to harm people (like in any culture) and thus can be considered guilty of witchcraft. The recent (2002) media-findings of the use of human body parts (cadaver parts derived from medical institutions) for muti (traditional medicine), by so-called traditional healers in South Africa is an example of the perverse corruption in the muti industry. Most traditional healers consider such practices to be deplorable and unethical.

However most of the time I think the witch is more of a causal concept only in the minds of people. It is my opinion that more often than not various anxieties and uncertainties involving misfortune (a car accident e.g.) are culturally interpreted and described by the Bantu-speakers as the influence of witches and evil spirits and thus are given meaning. As many understandings of misfortune exist (karmic, accidental, divine intervention) as there are different cultures. These are beliefs answering why did this happen to me and why now. By giving doubt and uncertainty in life a face, these fears can be dealt with. For example social tensions, conflicts, political or economic factors often underlie witchcraft accusations, and thus witchcraft can be used as a scapegoat for social frustrations, see Ngubane (1977) for more on this. By giving identity (witchcraft e.g.) to the unknown causes behind misfortune, the unknown can be made known and be dealt with by people by using real and practical countermeasures (protective rituals). Such rituals can include the use of magical herbs against witchcraft. The rituals directed to the ancestors, like prayer, are used to obtain trans-human assistance, protection or to give thanks to such powers. Medicinal/magical plants are used in conjunction with spiritual and ritual treatments to neutralise the believed sources of misfortune, and restore balance and health.

A classical stereotype constructed by the colonialists was that of the 'witchdoctor'. This pejorative label, erroneously described diviners as doctor/witches whose mysterious practices were often seen to be analogous with 'black magic'. This is probably due to the "colonial construction of Africa's 'otherness' and essential 'primitiveness' which persists to this day." (Andre Croucamp, Divination: Superstition or Technology? Colloquium paper). These prejudiced perceptions have fostered a Zarathustrian dichotomy between Good and Evil where the eurocentric colonialists self image was one of being 'civilised' and representing the forces of light, while the African represented the primitive and evil dark forces. This eurocentric attitude of the 'civilised' imperialists fostered the proselytising and oppression of traditional societies with subsequent crippling of these societies means of self-government/control and social breakdown.

In fact, there are an estimated 200 000 indigenous traditional healers in South Africa, and up to 60% of South Africans consult these so-called witch-doctors and herbalists. From fieldwork observations, many South Africans consider the diviners to be gifted healers, and indispensable members of society. However, diviners like anyone else, can and occasionally do use their position of power to exploit members of society. Diviners can be manipulative (exploiting the services of their thwasas), or stingy when it comes to sharing their healing knowledge, and may use their magic to control others.

Lastly, there are pollution beliefs, in which a mystical force creates unfavourable life conditions and are not sent by ancestors or people but result from ones own contaminated position which ultimately stems from ritual impurity (De Wet 1998). This explains the use of white medicines that supposedly cleanse a person from pollution that is seen as darkness or blackness in Zulu ideology (De wet 1998:92). 1.

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In Southern Africa there are two main types of traditional practitioners; the herbalists (Xhosa: amaxhwele; Zulu. izinyanga) and the diviners (Xhosa. amagqirha; Zulu. izangoma).

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The class of diviners proper (Xhosa: amagqirha; Z: izangoma), are specifically called to their profession by their ancestors through the sending of a illness syndrome, referred to as thwasa (Hammond-Tooke 1998) or intwaso a term derived from the verb ukuthwasa which refers to the process of gradually becoming or emerging as a diviner. (Hirst 1990). The person is said not to choose to be a diviner but is chosen by the ancestors (Ngubane 1977:102). How people from other cultures recognise a spiritual calling and the difficulties in this process are looked at by Grof and Grof (1991). The intwaso condition is characterised by the initiate suffering from various illnesses; copious dreams, visions and mental disturbances such as madness and anxiety believed to be sent by the ancestors, see (Callaway 1868:70). However to become a diviner the Nguni initiate has to be first cured of the intwaso condition through a series of rituals, which include the use of special plant based 'medicines of the home' (Hammond-Tooke 1998) and training in techniques of divination and curing .This involves the novice or candidate diviner (umkwetha) being apprenticed to a practising healer who teaches him/her the ways of traditional healing.
These foregoing practices are shared with the classical spiritual practitioner the shaman. I am currently investigating and writing a paper on the similarities and differences between classical Asian shamans and the isangoma especially with regard to the use of visionary plants in facilitating spirit contact. I hope to show that visionary plant use (psychoactive plants that induce transpersonal phenomena or similar altered states of consciousness) is a common thread in various magico-religious traditions around the world and their use is important in traditional spiritual practices in South Africa. For a thorough emic (indigenous explanatory) account of ukuthwasa see Schweitzer (1977). 1.





The Function of Diviners

Misfortune, in all its more serious forms, was believed by the Southern Bantu speaking people of Southern Africa to be caused either by ancestral wrath, witchcraft or pollution and it was the diviner's function to uncover the exact cause and prescribe the appropriate actions to be taken (Hammond-Tooke 1998). However some forms of misfortune were believed to have natural causes i.e., to result from environmental factors (Ngubane 1977).
Hunter (1936) describes how the Pondo (Xhosa) have two classes of 'doctors' the amagqira or diviner and the amaxhwele or herbalist but the term inyanga or doctor is used to refer to both healers. Their distinction is based on a difference in initiation rather than in function, for their functions overlap" (Hunter 1936:320). I have observed how diviners interchange these roles by fulfilling the role of doctor by diagnosing common illnesses, selling and dispensing remedies for medical complaints, while also divining the cause and providing solutions to spiritually or socially centred complaints. This blurring of roles is further supported by the Zulu diviner or Iisangoma which means "the drumming one" (Bryant 1966:13), also having the title of inyanga yokubhula, or the doctor that divines.

Diviners are often utilised when western medicine fails to provide a cure, when misfortune (often seen as having spiritual/magical causation) arises, or where health and fortune are to be maintained (prophylactic treatments e.g., the use of tonifying or protection muti).

1. Divination being one of the techniques the diviner uses to heal, usually functions as a treatment for social problems (Hirst, pers.comm.). I agree with this. An interesting hypothesis that could explain the function of divination is suggested by Andre Croucamp (Colloquium paper: Divination: Superstition or Technology). He states that "Divination is a technology that is used to deliberately initiate a process of accessing and collecting information, through the use of randomly arranged symbols and then, using the brain's capacity for analogical thinking, making associations that are ordinarily in accessible. Divination appears to be used to access what I would describe as the greater transpersonal field of information to gain healing knowledge

Many tribal societies consider illness and disease to stem from spiritual disharmonies (Schultes and Hofmann 1992). The Bantu-speakers belief in the ancestral spirits power to heal or afflict, has a powerful placebo effect that the diviner utilises to heal. This is supported by the often-made statement by diviners that "one must believe in the medicines and the ancestors for them to work." Generally speaking, it appears that cross-culturally, people find healing in religion and spirituality.

The diviner's forte is that of being an operator of various forces governing human life. By using, myth, spirituality, psychology and drama the diviner can sometimes provide a cure. Hirst (1990) sees the diviner functioning as a bricoleur, which is a Jack-of-all-trades. "The diviner is certainly an entrepreneur who not only works with his hands but renders various services in return for cash." Hirst (1990: 156). He goes on to say that, "the diviner combines aspects of the healer, the social psychologist, priest and the social worker…" Hirst (1990:157).


According to Hirst, the traditional healing ethic is to take action, to do something in the face of illness, practical solutions need to be activated for healing to occur. As is typical of traditional healers elsewhere, the isangoma perform healing of psychological illnesses masquerading as somatic disorders. Diviners make common use of ritual, that has a powerful healing effect, primarily owing to its placebo effect. Ritual allows for orderly behaviour in times of crisis. It converts the unknown into the known and controllable, and is a socially/culturally sanctioned way of exposing social stresses and problems in social relations which are often symbolised as illness in non-western societies. Healers can recreate the family through rituals and, by resolving social conflicts, they can foster group and community cohesion. For the ill, this often means reintegration into society (Hirst, pers. comm.). The tendency is for medical doctors to treat the medical or metonymical aspects of a disorder and the diviners its metaphorical aspects (Hirst 1990:99).

It is not in the diviner's interests to unsuccessfully treat patients, because a healer's status and proficiency relies much on word of mouth advertising. Malpractice claims can spread fast among the healer/patient networks and can weed-out charlatans. However "diviners are not all of apiece and their skill and ability in treating various afflictions differs widely" (Hirst 1990:72).

Traditional healers can accommodate different belief systems into their healing art, and thus have a syncretic approach to healing. They are therefore flexible in their methods of healing. They may agree with esoteric approaches or even a psychotherapeutic approach if necessary, and may make referrals to any number of different health care alternatives.

Diviners are by and large holistic healers who have the special ability to see deep into the human condition and a mystical connection with 'greater knowing.' Diviners use this revelatory connection to guide people to live healthier and happier lives. 1.



Divination and Spirits

According to Hirst, the traditional healing ethic is to take action, to do something in the face of illness, practical solutions need to be activated for healing to occur. As is typical of traditional healers elsewhere, the isangoma perform healing of psychological illnesses masquerading as somatic disorders. Diviners make common use of ritual, that has a powerful healing effect, primarily owing to its placebo effect. Ritual allows for orderly behaviour in times of crisis. It converts the unknown into the known and controllable, and is a socially/culturally sanctioned way of exposing social stresses and problems in social relations which are often symbolised as illness in non-western societies. Healers can recreate the family through rituals and, by resolving social conflicts, they can foster group and community cohesion. For the ill, this often means reintegration into society (Hirst, pers. comm.). The tendency is for medical doctors to treat the medical or metonymical aspects of a disorder and the diviners its metaphorical aspects (Hirst 1990:99).

It is not in the diviner's interests to unsuccessfully treat patients, because a healer's status and proficiency relies much on word of mouth advertising. Malpractice claims can spread fast among the healer/patient networks and can weed-out charlatans. However "diviners are not all of apiece and their skill and ability in treating various afflictions differs widely" (Hirst 1990:72).
Traditional healers can accommodate different belief systems into their healing art, and thus have a syncretic approach to healing. They are therefore flexible in their methods of healing. They may agree with esoteric approaches or even a psychotherapeutic approach if necessary, and may make referrals to any number of different health care alternatives.

Diviners are by and large holistic healers who have the special ability to see deep into the human condition and a mystical connection with 'greater knowing.' Diviners use this revelatory connection to guide people to live healthier and happier lives. 1.



It is the diviner's work to discover the hidden causes behind misfortune and prescribe appropriate action. This action was usually in the form of divination (see Divination Styles and Techniques) or healing, using plant remedies (which could be practised without a knowledge of divination) since all diviners are also healers, and have an extensive knowledge of medicines (Hammond-Tooke 1998).

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ASC (altered states of consciousness) are an important feature in the initiation and training of diviners in South Africa, as well as in their divination practices. As elsewhere around the world diviners make use of trance/ ASC to connect with what are believed to be spiritual powers or higher human awareness. In Southern Africa dance, song and psychoactive plants are all inducers of visionary phenomena, see Culture and Substance Use. Through the use of these inducers, the diviner is able to connect with the ancestral "spirits", (that could be ones higher self or a greater transpersonal field of information) which is crucial in divining/diagnosing the problem the patient has. Powerful healers are said to be able to see the illness in the body of the patient which is reminiscent of similar abilities employed by shamans around the world (psychic surgery etc).

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Divining bones.
Copyright Professor K.T. van Warmelo and Mrs Y. Iglauer

The Southern African diviner is characterised by his/her ability to communicate with and learn from the ancestor spirits (Amadlozi). Diviners are most commonly not possessed by their spirits (Ngubane 1977:103) but communicate with them or use a medium by which their guidance is interpreted e.g., using the bones. The healers I have worked with mostly use the bones and dreams to communicate with their ancestors. Their spirits may also communicate information to them through thoughts. They are always close. It appears that the ancestral spirits, who are said to be responsible for the initiation illness, and for sending visions and giving information to the healer, are an intangible force or power that the healer is connected to. It is possible that the Bantu-speaking people use the concept of ancestors to describe or explain psychic phenomena such as clairvoyance or other transpersonal phenomena. See Ukuthwasa and Spirit Possession.

Whatever the ancestors are, the reality of, and the impact they have in the Bantu-speaker's lives is paramount. I have little doubt of the accurateness of the information some diviners gain from the ancestors.
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Damages of car accident at Leti's shop in Johannesburg. Photographer: JF Sobiecki

A story that exemplifies this is that of a diviner/healer called Leti who has often received premonitory dreams, examples being; the death of her employer's husband and a car accident at her shop. I can testify to the latter example, where on behalf of Leti I requested from the Johannesburg traffic department for the instalment of a barrier outside her shop. For 2 weeks prior to the accident, Leti was seemingly nervous about the heavy traffic outside her corner shop. One week after the erection of the barrier a car ploughed through the front of her shop. Fortunately no one was hurt. After the accident, she explained to me of three dreams she had involving a car accident at her shop in the previous weeks, which prompted her to get the barrier installed. It appears that Leti receives premonitory type dreams that can warn or signal her of foreboding forthcoming events. They do not seem to be coincidences for as she said "these type of dreams and incidents have happened before and when I dream these things, they happen."

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ASC (altered states of consciousness) are an important feature in the initiation and training of diviners in South Africa, as well as in their divination practices. As elsewhere around the world diviners make use of trance/ ASC to connect with what are believed to be spiritual powers or higher human awareness. In Southern Africa dance, song and psychoactive plants are all inducers of visionary phenomena, see Culture and Substance Use. Through the use of these inducers, the diviner is able to connect with the ancestral "spirits", (that could be ones higher self or a greater transpersonal field of information) which is crucial in divining/diagnosing the problem the patient has. Powerful healers are said to be able to see the illness in the body of the patient which is reminiscent of similar abilities employed by shamans around the world (psychic surgery etc).

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The Southern African diviner is characterised by his/her ability to communicate with and learn from the ancestor spirits (Amadlozi). Diviners are most commonly not possessed by their spirits (Ngubane 1977:103) but communicate with them or use a medium by which their guidance is interpreted e.g., using the bones. The healers I have worked with mostly use the bones and dreams to communicate with their ancestors. Their spirits may also communicate information to them through thoughts. They are always close. It appears that the ancestral spirits, who are said to be responsible for the initiation illness, and for sending visions and giving information to the healer, are an intangible force or power that the healer is connected to. It is possible that the Bantu-speaking people use the concept of ancestors to describe or explain psychic phenomena such as clairvoyance or other transpersonal phenomena. See Ukuthwasa and Spirit Possession.

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Whatever the ancestors are, the reality of, and the impact they have in the Bantu-speaker's lives is paramount. I have little doubt of the accurateness of the information some diviners gain from the ancestors.
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Damages of car accident at Leti's shop in Johannesburg. Photographer: JF Sobiecki

A story that exemplifies this is that of a diviner/healer called Leti who has often received premonitory dreams, examples being; the death of her employer's husband and a car accident at her shop. I can testify to the latter example, where on behalf of Leti I requested from the Johannesburg traffic department for the instalment of a barrier outside her shop. For 2 weeks prior to the accident, Leti was seemingly nervous about the heavy traffic outside her corner shop. One week after the erection of the barrier a car ploughed through the front of her shop. Fortunately no one was hurt. After the accident, she explained to me of three dreams she had involving a car accident at her shop in the previous weeks, which prompted her to get the barrier installed. It appears that Leti receives premonitory type dreams that can warn or signal her of foreboding forthcoming events. They do not seem to be coincidences for as she said "these type of dreams and incidents have happened before and when I dream these things, they happen."

Healer Patient Relationship

As far as the relationship of traditional healers and their patients is concerned there is no doubt that traditional healers are greatly respected by many for their powers of curing.

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Ngubane (1977) gives an account of illness presentation in the Zulu culture. However this is merely an example and may change according to cultural group and location, as well as the individual doctor. When sickness occurs in a Zulu person the person reports it to those around him. They are the ones that label the malady as being serious or not (Ngubane 1977:100). Important decisions such as hospitalisation are usually made by the homestead head. A sick person is given attention day and night by the immediate family, and is encouraged to eat soft foods. Outsiders can be barred from seeing the patient. The izangomas and izinyangas treat their patients at the latter's home (to possibly gauge the social situation of the patient) but the patient may be removed to the healers home (Ngubane 1977). 1.
A view of Johannesburg from outside Lulamas shop. Photographer: JF Sobiecki

However, today in the busy city of Johannesburg healers treat patients from their home/shops. The patients often travel great distances to receive such healing.

Generally minor ailments are treated with home remedies, while more serious complaints are taken to western doctors, traditional healers or faith healers. Many factors influence the choice of healer, such as the patients belief system, the amount of money available or the seriousness of illness. For diseases and other medical complaints, patients resort to both western doctors and traditional healers. Hirst, (pers. comm.) states that in Grahamstown, most clients/patients first treatment response is to consult western medical doctors. More than 60% go to primary health care institutions like clinics or public hospitals. If prophylactic treatment is required (health is to be maintained), patients often buy muti from the healers, or they may buy medicines at the muti markets. These may be for sexual dysfunction's, blood cleansing or to prevent colds etc.

Healers charge anything from 10 to 150 Rand for muti powders, barks or liquid infusions depending on the nature of the cure desired. In 2001 a divination in Johannesburg costs roughly 40 Rand. Traditionally ukuthwasa required the payment of a beast but today an equivalent monetary reward is accepted. The dispensing of protective medicines costs around 10 to 20 Rand. 1.



According to Pujol (1988), the African perceives all of nature, the elements together with animals and plants as reflecting the primal energy of God "Ukuqinisa kweNkulunkulu" that can be used to heal the human body. The traditional healer in South Africa uses innumerable ingredients from all sources of nature to cure, i.e. plant, animal and mineral. The general African worldview involving health and illness revolves around the idea of balance (also a core principle in Chinese medicine), and being in harmony with the universe, which results in good health (Ngubane 1977:27).

This reliance on all of nature for healing and being in balance with it is paralleled by other non-western healing systems such as traditional Chinese medicine (TCM). This healing tradition has 2000 years of recorded medical case histories and is a proven healing system. As rich as the African healing lore is much of the orally transmitted medical information has been lost due to culture change over time.

The non-western 'holistic' traditions stand in stark contrast to the "western philosophical concept of "I" a mindful self that stands outside the body and apart from nature" (Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1981), a heritage of Cartesian dualism that enforces the separation of mind/body, spirit/matter and real/unreal. I believe this philosophy has led to the alienation of western man and nature and his will to attack and subjugate nature. One example is the western agricultural paradigm, where mono-culture and toxic insecticides are seen as rational ways of cultivating the earth. More harmonious eco-friendly ways of producing crops i.e., perma-culture and bio-control need to become mainstream as opposed to being peripheral experimental practices. Western mans materialistic dream will someday have to change if nature and harmony with the earth are to have a place in it.

Diviners appear to have a sound knowledge of treating and curing a wide variety of illnesses and diseases, from parasitic infection to bronchitis. Traditional healers lack of internal physiological/anatomical knowledge is seen as a limiting factor in their healing capabilities. However TCM, a highly efficacious healing systems, relies little on internal physiology but more on a complex system of interpreting observable symptoms or syndromes (Robert Cran, pers. comm.). For life threatening conditions, western technological therapies including operative techniques and powerful and quick acting allopathic drugs are indispensable and often save lives. However, one shortfall, I believe to be apparent in the western medical tradition, is regardless of prolonging life, the quality or spirit of life is often neglected by some western doctors. Meaning in illness, spirituality and psychological integration appears to be rarely incorporated into the western biomedical approach (apart from some psychotherapeutic methods). Is healing merely repairing the body, or is it that together with preventing disease in the first place by monitoring lifestyle, and providing people with techniques to empower themselves, physically and psychologically? I consider these factors to be crucial in healing. Diviners are aware of this holistic nature of healing and use numerous techniques such as ritual to produce such healing. The diviner attends to all of the facets that make up the human condition and uses psychotherapeutic, spiritual and medical methods to affect a cure. The patient leaves the consultation often feeling he has been treated on all levels; body mind and spirit.

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Ngubane (1977) states that diviners have as extensive a knowledge of medicines as do herbalists. The traditional healer relies heavily on the power of plants to heal. The Nguni term used to refer to medicine is umuthi, and in Sotho dihlare, and is derived from the word for 'tree' (Hammond Tooke 1989). The majority of substances I have seen on the Faraday market in Johannesburg are of vegetable origin. The herbalist or diviner administers imithi (medicines) which are usually of vegetable origin to treat diseases or ailments. These raw herbs are ground into powders to be taken with water, or are boiled as barks or roots that are drunk as decoctions. Other imuthi are bathed with, rubbed into incisions (ukuchaza), inhaled as smoke (ukuqhumisa) or nibbled on, especially roots, or also licked from ones fingers (ukuncinda) (Hunter 1936).

The toxic nature of many plants is well recognised and utilised by authentic healers with the correct dosage being carefully administered. As Paracelsus wrote in the sixteenth century: "It depends only upon the dose whether a poison is a poison or not." The use of a diversity of substances and toxins in healing conditions reminds me of the practice of homeopathy. The cases of poisonings are usually a matter of inadequately trained healers or rather quacks (of which many surely exist since healing can be a lucrative profession) who meter out dangerous doses of toxic muthi plants or other substances. However their profession will not last long if malpractice occurs since the patients are the healers advertising medium. Healers do make recourse to western drugs if the situation calls for fast acting drugs such as analgesics e.g., depending on the acuteness, intensity or urgency of the condition and will refer to western doctors if the condition calls for it.

An important aspect of traditional healing, which until recently has been overlooked or superseded by the conspicuous ritual and spiritual component of the healing practice is the efficacy of the active ingredients in the medicinal plants the healers use. Hammond Tooke (1989:119) explains that "..for the Bantu-speakers to have the right medicine is all-important, and the spell, where present, is merely a verbal exhortation to the medicine to do its work." One need only to consult books such as Hutchings et al (1996) Zulu Medicinal Plants or Gelfand (1985) The Traditional Medical Practitioner in Zimbabwe, to see the vast number of ailments, diseases and disorders treated and cured by a remarkable diversity of plants. There is renewed pharmacological interest in South-African medicinal plants. More and more scientific and pharmacological evidence is being produced to back indigenous claims of medical plant use. This is not surprising, as many of the plants have been tested in indigenous populations over time, with healing plants being recognised and incorporated into the indigenous pharmacopoeia. It is hoped that safety and efficacy in the use of African medicinal plants and products comes first and will not be compromised by profit making by pharmaceutical or other interested parties. See Pharmapact African Medicine ethnopiracy and pharmaceutical Industry webpage. 1.
Preparations and Administration of Muti

The traditional healers have numerous ways they prepare their muti or medicine. Pujol (1988) lists some of the Zulu terms for various preparations which include:

Infusions (Imuthi Ophuzwayo) Inhalants(Gquma-over steam) Snuff (Bema muthi) Licking of powder (Khota) Implantations under skin (Chaza) Enemas (Ucatha) Bath mixtures (Geza) Poultices (Izithobo) Fatty creams/balms (Amafutas) Emetics(Imithi Yokuphalaza) Internal cleansing (Izimbiza)

Emetics are used primarily for chest illnesses, and are used as expectorants to clear the air passages. They are also used to correct nausea, and pain believed to result from excessive accumulation of gall (green/yellowish substance) (Ngubane 1977).

Similar to the aforementioned preparations are the following Xhosa preparations used in Trankei as described by Lamla (1975). It appears that certain types of plants are used in particular types of preparations and that such preparations of medicines are often used to treat a particular type of illness. Following are a few of these preparations from the literature that have magical or medicinal qualities. A lot more exist for which physical ailments are treated.

Imbiza (literally pot) is a preparation in which herbs are boiled into a decoction. This is often done for hard medicine like barks (Mpai, pers comm). Medicines prepared in this way are used for Scrofula, chest complaints and blood purifying processes in the Transkei (Lamla 1975), e.g., ikhala-khulu, (Cape Aloes). Ngubane (1977:107) states that imbiza is a generic name for all forms of purgatives.

Isichonco. Cold or warm water vegetal infusions used to wash with, to drive away evil spirits and promote good luck, e.g., umhlonyane, (Artemisia afra). Furthermore this plant is used in colds to unblock sinuses. 1.



Many plants are used for their curative properties. While conducting a survey of a muti shop in the Mai Mai bazaar (a complex of muti shops in Johannesburg) 36 % of the plants in this shop were recorded as having medicinal uses for physical disorders or ailments such as diarrhoea, epilepsy, asthma, coughs, parasitic infections, madness, headaches etc. The most common category of psychoactive plant use in South Africa are those for epilepsy and madness of which many exist, approximately 150 are reported from the literature, (paper in press). Following are some categories of medicines, or rather charms, having particular uses, based on use rather than on preparation. Many of these categories accentuate the magical uses of muti. The magical uses of muti are indeed important in traditional Southern African healing but may be over emphasised at the expense of less sensational medically used plants. This focus is shifting with time.

Ama-khubalo (Charms): Wood medicines such as roots or barks often worn around the neck and nibbled on. These muti are used for self-fortification and to ward off evil spirits, e.g., Alepidea amatymbica. This plant can also be used for lung conditions, such as bronchitis by drinking a decoction. This term also means compounded medicines prepared only by professional practitioners and prescribed by them (Ngubane 1977).
Intelezi: "A generic name for all medicinal charms, the object of which is to counteract evil by rendering the causes innocuous". (Lamla 1975:151). The intelezi is often a mixture of plants and is often boiled and preserved. It can be sprinkled (Uku-chela) or spurted from the mouth (uku-khafula). Ngubane (1977:110) states that intelezis are never ingested but are sprinkled. These are considered white medicines.

Umkhando Class of medicinal charms to gain influence, supremacy, gain ascendancy over another in love matters.

Isibethelelo: love charms used to 'fix up' a girl to a man, so that she will love him only.

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[AfuaLena]

The Sangoma tradition needs to be just as well known as the West African spiritual traditions. I am blessed to have 2 Sangomas as chief priests one of which is also an Okomfo (priest in Akan tradition) in the shrine house. The ancestor reading from a Sangoma is one of the most detailed and profound readings I have ever had.