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A Strategy Aimed at Ruining Libya


Africa, Chaosistan, Middle East, Phenomenon of Terrorism

XXPANTHAXX via Elena Ponomareva (Russia)

A death sentence to Libya’s sovereignty was handed out long before the
protests inspired by Western intelligence services shook the country
and the UN Security Council responded to the situation with
anti-Libyan resolutions. There are fundamental causes behind the
strategy aimed at ruining Libya. Years ago, it was designated as a
target by the architects of the new world order, and the air raids
against Libya were just a matter of time.

Libya dealt the West the first serious blow on October 7, 1969 when –
at the 24th Session of the UN General Assembly – it unveiled the plan
to stop hosting foreign military bases on its territory. Shortly
thereafter the Libyan government notified the US and British
ambassadors that the corresponding treaties were no longer valid.

It came as the second blow to the West that Tripoli exerted pressure
on international companies which used to maintain strong positions in
the Libyan economy. The policy drew the West’s ire and led the
heavyweights of international politics to conspire against Libya.
Securing the country’s grip over its own economy was a task much more
difficult than getting rid of foreign military bases. Libya’s
financial sector was nationalized by a government decree in 1970 as
the first step. In 1973, Iraq, Algeria, and Libya put under national
control their respective oil industries and, moreover, brought the
nationalization issue to the OPEC agenda which it continued to top
throughout the 1970ies. All foreign petroleum countries in Libya were
eventually nationalized. Ironically, on the eve of the nationalization
campaign Western oil grands invested heavily in Libya’s
infrastructures in a bid to lessen their dependence on oil supplies
from the Persian Gulf area and the Suez Canal transit route.

Libya’s third round of reforms – the one which hurt the interests of
national proprietors – was even wider and deeper ideologically than
the above two. In September, 1977, Libyan leader M. Gadhafi proclaimed
economic self-governance as the overarching concept of the country’s
future development. Considering that at the time Gadhafi maintained
close ties with J. Tito and that the Yugoslavian brand of socialism
involved the reliance on self-governance as one of the key principles,
it is likely that the Libyan leadership was to an extent trying to
replicate the Yugoslavian model. The ideological turn set in motion
the process of transferring Libyan companies under the control of
their employees. Gadhafi laid out a fundamentally anti-capitalist
ideological justification for the reform in the second part of his
basic treatise titled The Green Book. In it, he condemned work for
hire as a form of slavery and asserted that workers were entitled to
own whatever they produced. According to Gadhafi, working is a natural
human obligation, labor should be rewarded at the level sufficient to
meet individual needs, and all surpluses should be used to amass
public wealth, while the accumulation of surpluses by individuals
tells on the economic well-being of others and should therefore be
avoided.

Since September, 1977 Libya started implementing the “Partners, not
workers for hire” concept across its economy and shortly thereafter
moved on to put into practice the concept that housing should be owned
by residents. In May, 1978 Libya passed legislation which outlawed
renting out apartments and turned those who formerly rented apartments
and homes into their owners. In contrast to the post-1917 Russia and
the post-war East Europe, the nationalization in Libya was not
tantamount to expropriation as former proprietors received
compensations and were invited to take part in running the
nationalized assets as partners. Nevertheless, the reform left the
upper and middle strata of Libya’s proprietors who perceived the
nationalization as seizure bitterly discontent. A faction of Muslim
clerics also voiced opposition to the Libyan leadership’s economic
reforms.

The resistance to reform was actively supported by external forces and
Gadhafi narrowly escaped several attempts on his life, but the process
of change in Libya went on. All of the country’ s people used to make
a living sufficient to meet their basic needs, food prices were
subsidized, public transit and gasoline were practically free, and
free housing was fully available.

The Libyan government’s efforts to create an alternative –
non-capitalist and non-liberal – development model known as The Third
Universal Theory also prompted external forces to start putting
together a strategy aimed at destroying Libya. The fundamentals of the
theory as presented in Gadhafi’s The Green Book which he wrote in
1976-1979 were actually put into practice. Jamahiriya, a system of
direct popular rule modeled on the democracy of the antiquity epoch,
is based on three principles:

1. The population should directly exercise administrative functions
via popular assemblies which open to everyone access to
desision-making;

2. The people are entitled to shared ownership of the public wealth.

3. Weapons should be supplied to the population to put an end to the
army’s monopoly on arms.

The very concept of Jamahiriya was an offense to the West’s allegedly
superior liberal democracy which the West invariably imposes on the
countries it occupies and subdues. Importantly, Libya – unlike quite a
few of the developing countries – was a real success story as the
statistical data clearly demonstrates. On the eve of the outbreak of
violence last February, Libya’s per capita GDP in terms of the buying
parity measured $13,800, more than twice that of Egypt and Algeria or
more than 1.5 times that of Tunisia. Libya has 10 universities and 14
research centers, and its schools, preschools, and hospitals are
maintained at the world-class level. Libya ranks first in Africa in
human development with the average life expectancy making 77 years
(for comparisons, in Russia the average makes 69 years). Libya is
mentioned in The Guinness Book of Records as the country with lowest
inflation level – just 3.1% over 2001-2005. The list of advantages of
the Libyan type of socialism is long and impressive. It is worth
noting that in Libya the human rights – if those should be understood
as an individual’s right to decent living conditions – are implemented
to a much greater extent than, for example, in Russia, Ukraine, or
Kazakhstan. In any case, it was not concern over human rights that
prompted the West to undermine Libya’s political regime.

The Libyan leader’s September, 2009 speech at the UN General Assembly
must have been another reason why the West is seeking to topple
Gadhafi and to erode Libya’s sovereignty. Having taken 75 minutes
instead of the apportioned 15, Gadhafi directed biting criticism at
the world’s major powers which he charged with de facto racism and
terrorism, and even described the UN Security Council as a council on
terrorism. With the UN Charter in hand, Gadhafi stressed that
according to the document military force can only be used given the
consent of all UN member countries and invoked the fact that since the
UN came into being powerful countries had waged 64 wars against
smaller peers, while the UN did nothing to prevent the aggressions.
Gadhafi also expressed the view that the Talibs had the right to
establish a Muslim emirate and advocated the rights of the Somali
pirates asserting that the countries using the Somalian territorial
waters were perpetrating the actual acts of piracy. Gadhafi further
claimed that G. Bush and T. Blair were personally involved in the
execution of S. Hussein and finally said it was the West who bred
Hitler, persecuted the Jews, and bore the responsibility for the
Holocaust. No doubt, the West never forgot the slap in the face.

And still, Libyan vast energy reserves are likely to be the main
reason why the country’s sovereignty is facing a death sentence. I am
convinced that, moreover, the priority behind the spill of Jasmine
revolutions over the Arab world was the demise of Libya.

In 1988, the year of the latest oil field discoveries in Libya, its
reserves – the world’s greatest at the time – were reported at 3b tons
of crude oil. Libya’s richest oil fields – Sarir, Nafoora, Raguba,
Intisar, Zelten (also known as Nasser), etc. – are located south of
the Gulf of Sidra and linked to the coast with pipelines. Oil is
exported via five tanker terminals sited at the Mediterranean seaports
of Es Sider, Ra’s Lanuf, Marsa Brega, Marsa El Hariga, and Ez Zuetina.
Libya also sits on Africa’s third largest reserves of natural gas
totaling 657b cu m. The biggest gas field Hateiba contains 339b cu m
of gas, and previously unexplored gas reserves were found in the Sirte
Basin in the 1990ies.

Russia whose interests will be affected as a result of the attack
against Libya clearly factors in the West’s economic reckoning. In
fact, Russia already counts considerable losses. Arms deals between
Libya and Russia worth $2.2b and $1.3b were signed in 2008 and 2010
respectively but evidently will not go through. Several other
contracts between the two countries were in the making at the moment
when the international sanctions were imposed on Libya. Libya was
expected to buy 12 Su-35 multi-purpose fighters, 48 T-90S tanks, a
number of S-125 Pechora, Tor-M2E, and S-300PMU-2 Favorit air defense
systems, Kilo 636 diesel-electric submarines, etc. Russia planned to
supply to Libya components and maintenance services to modernize its
parks of Russian-made Osa-AKM air defense systems and T-72 tanks. The
Russian military-industrial complex thus lost revenues in the amount
of around $4b. Besides, Russia annulled Libya’s Soviet-era debt – a
handsome $4.6b – in return for an array of electric power,
construction, and defense contracts, and the amount should be
bracketed with Moscow’s losses along with the blown contracts signed
by Russia’s Gazprom, Railroad Company, and telecom sector.

Japan’s drama is sure to bear an adverse impact on the future of the
nuclear energy, thus highlighting the importance of the traditional
hydrocarbon fuels. In this light, the hypothesis that the Fukushima 1
catastrophe contributed to the West’s decision to boost anti-Libyan
activities seems fairly realistic. Gadhafi’s not giving in to
pressure, in contrast to the former leaders of Egypt and Tunisia,
derailed the West’s scenario for Libya, but of course the country
remained a target.

UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973 reflected more than just
violations of the long-dead international law. They showed the
chaos-control ideologists’ unwaivering determination to ruin Libya.
The question arising under the circumstances is: in the world of
today, where force prevails over right, are there healthy political
forces capable of preventing the devastation of yet another stable and
prosperous country? I do believe that such forces exist. First of all,
they are represented by the countries which did not prop up Resolution
1973 in the UN Security Council, namely Brazil, Germany, India, China,
and Russia. However, abstaining during the vote is a half-measure as
the situation calls for serious and immediate response. At the moment
the media including the Internet are showering the audiences with
arguments in favor of the offensive against Libya, while the voices of
the opponents of the aggression are barely audible.

My view is that the condemnation of all aggressions by the Russian
leadership and a call for an immediate international conference or a
summit of the world’s major powers can help promote a peaceful
resolution in the case of Libya. If Russia’s Western partners reject
the initiative, at least their position will expose the true
intentions of the proponents of intervention in Libya and enable even
Gadhafi’s staunch opponents to see with utmost clarity the true
objectives of the mission they are offered to join. The current
blueprint for Libya resembles closely the scenarios that culminated in
the fall of Yugoslavia and the establishment of the Kosovo quasi-state
as well as in the devastation of Iraq and Afghanistan. Practically any
of the world’s countries having attractive natural resources or not
abiding by the West’s liberal models is confronted with the risk to be
next on the hitlist if the global majority fails to get heard and the
powerful countries from the ranks of the opponents of the offensive
against Libya lack the much-needed resolve. Shall we wait under the
circumstances?


Peace be upon you

A Strategy Aimed at Ruining Libya