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      by Published on 07-06-2012 07:03 PM     Number of Views: 2559 


      Kwame Ture was born as Stokely Carmichael on the Caribbean island of Trinidad, on June 29, 1941. Kwame became a household name in amerikkka during the 1960s when after enrolling as a student of Howard University in Washington D.C., Kwame decided to join the freedom rider efforts to integrate the southern portion of the united snakes. As a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, SNCC (pronounced SNICK), Kwame was arrested 26 times between 1964 and 1966 because of his work to register Africans in Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia, to vote. In June, 1966, Kwame defeated now usa Congressman John Lewis to become Chairperson of SNCC. Kwame's election as SNCC Chairperson signaled the growing militancy within SNCC, and the movement, and a desire on behalf of many in the membership to take a more militant and uncompromising stance on African liberation. During the summer of 1966, Kwame became known as the person who popularized the phrase "Black Power" when he articulated that demand in Greenwood, Mississippi, during the great Civil Rights march of that summer. It should be noted that although Kwame has been credited with creating that phrase, the phrase has a long history that extends back to the 1700s and the movement and writings of Martin Delaney. During his tenure as Chairperson of SNCC, Kwame helped the organization develop into one of the most militant African organizations in amerikkka. SNCC became the first African organization to come out against the Vietnam war. SNCC was also the first African organization to take a position against the zionist state of israel. In 1968, Kwame briefly spent time as the Prime Minister of the Black Panther Party (BPP) that was founded in Oakland, California by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale. By the end of 1968, Kwame had resigned from the BPP, not because, as the imperialist press has consistently claimed, the BPP "forged links with whiteradicals", but because the BPP's ideological framework was not completely consistent with Kwame's developing ideological orientation.



      In 1967, while still Chairperson of SNCC, in the height of the united snakes of amerikka imperialist war against Vietnam, Kwame had the privilege of going to Vietnam and visiting the Great Nguyen Al Thouc (Ho Chi Minh), the leader of the Vietnamese war resistance against amerikkkan imperialism. It was during that visit when Kwame expressed his disillusionment with the direction of the struggle in the amerikkka, that Al Thouc told Kwame "why don't you go to Africa? It is your home."
      Taking Al Thouc's advice further, Kwame took up the offer made by Guinean (West African) President Sekou Ture made three years prior to a visiting SNCC delegation, to come to Guinea, stay, and help to build the African revolution. In 1968, Kwame moved to Guinea and began to live and study under Sekou Ture, and Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana who was overthrown in a central intelligence agency-organized Coup in 1966. After the coup in Ghana, Ture invited Nkrumah to come to Guinea and become Co-President of Guinea. At that time, Guinea was struggling to build the Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG), as a mass, Pan-Africanist political party that would function as a base within West Africa in which to launch the Pan-African struggle to unite Africa under one continental, socialist, government (see Nkrumah; Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare pg. 56-59). Kwame Ture stayed in Guinea from 1968, until his death in 1998, working to bring about Pan-Africanism. Ture and Nkrumah passed on in 1984 and 1972 respectively. In 1977, Kwame changed his name from Stokely Carmichael to Kwame Ture in order to honor the Pan-Africanist work of Sekou Ture and Kwame Nkrumah. From 1968 to 1998, Kwame worked tirelessly to build the All African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), which is the revolutionary Pan-Africanist political party that Nkrumah discussed in his handbook as the logical vehicle to bring about unity and socialism to Africa. In the Handbook, Nkrumah talked about the inability of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which he founded, to bring about genuine African unity. He offered up the A-APRP, through it's organization of the All African Committee for Political Coordination (A-ACPC) as the vehicle to bring about true unity. The A-ACPC, unlike the OAU, would not depend on the governments to unite, but would instead unite the genuine African revolutionary political parties and movements under the direction and guidance of the A-APRP to bring about continental unification.



      Kwame Ture spent 4 years at Howard, three years in SNCC, less than one year in the BPP, but thirty years in the A-APRP. He didn't run away, disappear, or become irrelevant after 1968, as the imperialists, and many so-called progressives and revolutionaries would have you believe. Instead he worked tirelessly to build the A-ACPC and the A-APRP. Today, five years after his physical transition, no one can deny the fruits of his work. The A-APRP, in its efforts to build the A-ACPC, has developed strong principled brother/sister relationships with the Democratic Party of Guinea, Pan-African Union of Sierra Leone, African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau, Azanian People's Organization of Azania/South Africa, and Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania/South Africa, all of which consider themselves A-ACPC organizations as called for by Nkrumah. The A-APRP has organizers on the ground, openly integrated with the A-APRP and those respective parties and organizations in each of those countries, as well as Ghana, Senegal, The Gambia, Britain, Canada, Barbados, Virgin Islands, Brazil, and throughout the united snakes of amerikkka. These organizers are working to build the A-ACPC which will serve as a worldwide fighting force of Pan-African revolutionaries who are dedicated to fighting amerikkkan led imperialism to liberate Africa under one unified, socialist government. As Kwame Nkrumah and Sekou Ture predicted, once Africa is free, unified, and socialist, Africa, and Africans, wherever they live on the planet, will be empowered to make a proper forward contribution to all of human civilization.
      Kwame Ture's life, from Civil Rights, to Black Power, forward to Pan-Africanism, is the logical forward progress of the international struggle of African people to achieve self-determination. He should be remembered, three years after his death, as Rev. Jesse Jackson described him in 1998, as "a man who never made peace with capitalism, racism, and amerikkkan policy."Some legacies of Kwame Ture's life:

      - Contributions to the A-APRP which include actualizing a genuine international Pan-African political party, based in Africa.

      - Contributing towards developing true principled relationships with< non-African revolutionaries such as

      -the Palestine Liberation Organization,
      -Irish Republican Socialist Party, International Indian Treaty
      -Council/American Indian Movement.
      - Contribution towards institutionalizing African Liberation Day as an
      international Pan-Africanist day of protest and unity throughout the world.
      - Contributions towards developing and building an African United Front in
      amerikkka between groups as far apart ideologically as the NAACP, Urban
      League, Nation of Islam, Republic of New Afrika, and A-APRP.
      by Published on 07-06-2012 06:55 PM
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      THE EARLY YEARS

      Minister Khallid Abdul Muhammad, born Harold Moore, Jr. by his parents, blessed this earth on January 12th, 1948 in Houston, Texas. He was the second? of six children to the late Harold Moore, Sr. and Lottie B. Moore. His Aunt Momma Carrie ...
      by Published on 07-06-2012 06:36 PM
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      1887-1940), black nationalist leader. Born in Jamaica, Garvey aimed to organize blacks everywhere but achieved his greatest impact in the United States, where he tapped into and ...
      by Published on 07-07-2012 11:47 PM     Number of Views: 2857 

      "You've got to be prepared to lose your life in order to gain your life."
      Queen Mother Moore
      Queen Mother Moore, a long time revolutionary activist and fighter against the oppression of Black people, died on Friday, May 7 in Brooklyn, New York. Queen Mother Moore was one person about whom it could truly be said--"the struggle was her life." For nearly a hundred years she was tireless in her efforts to mobilize other people to stand up with her against the crimes of U.S. imperialism. From fighting against racist oppression inside the U.S. to local community organizing, from fighting against imperialist attacks on Africa to taking part in anti-war mobilizations--Queen Mother Moore was there.
      Queen Mother Moore was a Pan Africanist and she drew a lot of inspiration from struggles around the world. Queen Mother Moore's heart sang whenever she heard of people striking blows against U.S. imperialism--whether it was at home in Harlem or far off in Vietnam, Korea, China, Central America, South America or Africa. Even in the last quarter-century of her life--the years after her 75th birthday--Queen Mother Moore remained active. In 1983 she attended the Women's Encampment at Seneca Falls, N.Y., a women's anti-war mobilization. And throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Moore worked to mobilize support for the struggle of the Azanian people against the racist apartheid government in South Africa. She never seemed to rest even when she was out just trying to take a break--there are many stories, including one about how she had no problem standing up in the middle of movies that she found particularly offensive and insulting to Black people and demanding that the theater shut down the film and not leaving until they did or the police came to drag her out.
      A Lifetime of Struggle
      Queen Mother Moore was born Audley Eloise Moore in a small town just outside of New Orleans in 1898. Moore's experience growing up--especially the semi-feudal oppression and horrible terror unleashed against Black people in the South--shaped her views. One of Moore's grandfathers was lynched and one of her grandmothers, a former slave, was raped by a white man. Moore herself was forced to leave school and go to work after the 4th grade. Moore often talked about how the police in and around New Orleans used to routinely round up Black men for vagrancy if they were just standing on a corner talking. She also told how the police would raid Fish Fries and arrest all the Black men only to return later and rape the Black women. Moore was also deeply impacted by what she saw happening in the years during and after World War I--the extreme racism the Black troops faced during and after the war and the racist pogroms unleashed against Black people in cities all over the country after the war.
      In the face of all this, Moore jumped into the struggle and began what turned into a lifelong search for answers about how to change things. As a young woman Moore hooked up with Marcus Garvey and joined his United Negro Improvement Association. While the Garveyite movement--centered on Black capitalist schemes about going back to Africa--was hardly revolutionary, it did gather a lot of support insofar as it went up in the face of the U.S. imperialists. Moore used to say that what attracted her to Garvey was that he brought Black people a sense of pride and worth when he spoke about their origins in Africa and the history of their peoples and he heated up her anger when he talked about imperialist domination of Africa.
      Queen Mother Moore used to tell a story about the time when Marcus Garvey came to speak to Black people in New Orleans. And this story reveals a lot about Moore herself. Garvey was arrested when he arrived in New Orleans even before he had a chance to speak to any Black people. Immediately the Black community began to mobilize against this attack and forced the authorities to release Garvey the next day. When Garvey showed up to speak at the local Longshoremen's Hall, the hall was packed with Black people and white cops. In a 1973 interview with Black Scholar magazine Moore told the rest of the story: "Everybody said, `He'll speak tonight. Believe me, he'll speak tonight.' And they went and bought ammunition. Bullets. I had a suitcase full. My husband had a suitcase full. I had two guns--one in my bosom and one in my pocketbook. My husband had a 45. Everybody was told and everybody knew they had to come armed. We wanted that freedom."
      When Garvey began to speak, the police threatened to arrest him again. Moore continued: "At that point, everybody stood on the benches, every gun came out. Every gun said `Speak, Garvey, speak.' That was 1920. Just in case you think the white folks had us cowered down in those days in the South. And then Garvey said: `And as I was saying....' The police filed out of there like little puppy dogs wagging their tails. They knew they would have been slaughtered in that hall that night. Because nobody was afraid to die. You've got to be prepared to lose your life in order to gain your life."
      In the 1920s, Moore left Louisiana and began to search the country for someplace where Black people were free--a search that helped her see how the oppression of Black people and white supremacy wasn't peculiar to the South but was part of the system that ruled all over the country. As Moore told it: "After the Garvey movement, I went all over looking for freedom. I went to California, for instance. In Santa Monica they charged me $5 for a bottle of soda. They said you should have gone to Chicago. I went to Chicago and found our people living with kerosene lamps, gas lights and one toilet in the hall for everybody. They said, `Oh, you should have gone to Harlem. We got everything sewed up there.' I went to Harlem and found conditions worse than ever. I was seeking this freedom. It's terrible when you really don't know, but at least I knew my people should be together."
      Moore settled in Harlem and stayed there for most of the rest of her life. She threw herself into the struggle of the people there. She became involved in the fight around the Scottsboro case--an infamous case of Black men being framed for rape in Alabama. Inspired by the way this case was fought and the role of the Communist Party in helping to lead it, Moore decided to join the Communist Party, USA. At the same time, Moore was neck deep in organizing community struggles--she organized the first Black rent strikes in New York City and broke the backs of the landlords in Harlem. Moore helped to develop the strategy of organizing the community to move the furniture of people evicted from apartments back inside the apartment and then stand off any attempt by the landlord's goons to re-evict the people. She helped form the Harriet Tubman Association, which worked to organize Black women workers including domestic workers.
      One of the things that attracted Moore to the Communist Party was that in words it was committed to the idea of self-determination for Black people--up to and including the right to secede and form a separate Black republic. When the CP began to back off of confronting the U.S. rulers about the oppression of Black people and soon abandoned the idea of self-determination in words and deeds, Moore left the CP. From there, Moore continued to organize the people and fight the system.
      In 1955 she joined with a handful of others to begin a campaign demanding that the U.S. government pay reparations to Black people for slavery and all the oppression brought down on them since then. She hooked up with Malcolm X and joined his Organization of Afro-American Unity and formed countless organizations and alternative schools on her own. It was during this time that she also made her first visit to Africa to attend Kwame Nkrumah's funeral. And it was during this visit that she was given the honorary name of Queen Mother of the Ashanti people in Ghana.
      Queen Mother Moore never became a revolutionary communist. But she hated U.S. imperialism and all the suffering it brought down on Black people and all people around the world. She never stopped fighting against it and searching for some kind of real solution. She often railed against those she saw as selling out to the imperialists, the "Negroes" created by the system. In the 1973 Black Scholar interview she spoke about how she saw the goals of the struggle of Black people. "Those who seek temporary security rather than basic liberty deserve neither.... We began to talk about wanting to be first class citizens. We didn't want to be second class citizens. You would have sworn that second class was in the Constitution. Also that citizens have to fight for rights. Imagine a citizen having to fight for civil rights! The very thought of it is repulsive. And I resent it and I reject this citizenship that was imposed on me. From the bottom of my heart I reject it. This is the thing that motivates me and keeps me going."
      When Queen Mother Moore began to search the country for freedom in the 1920s and found only more oppression she said, "There wasn't nothing to do but get in the struggle." She did this with tremendous passion. And later, when she was 75 years old and taking stock of her life so far, she tried to sum it up like this. "Yes, I have done my best to measure up, to qualify as a woman in the Black movement. I have done my best." The masses of people everywhere are thankful for that and will surely miss a dear, courageous and inspiring friend.
      by Published on 07-07-2012 11:42 PM
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      Early in this century, Caribbean intellectuals began to produce the concept called Pan-Africanism. This was a new international education whose full dimension few of us understood. The idea of bringing ...
      by Published on 07-07-2012 01:01 PM
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      Nkrumahism-Toureism: Our Ideology

      The Africa which exists today, on the Continent of Africa and in the African Diaspora, as well as the one we are struggling to build is not the old Africa, but a new emergent Revolutionary society; a socialist society in which a new harmony, a new cohesiveness, a new Revolutionary African ...
      by Published on 07-07-2012 08:51 PM
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      Nehanda Abiodun

      With the FBI in pursuit, black activist Nehanda Abiodun a decade ago fled to Cuba, where she still dreams of fomenting a socialist revolution in the United Snakes

      Even a casual observer in Havana would notice the striking disconnect between the slogans emblazoned on billboards across the city and the actual mood of the Cuban people who pass underneath them. “Imperialists, You Don't Scare Us at All!” reads one towering graphic depicting a Cuban soldier facing off against a Godzilla-like Uncle Sam. Elsewhere “Socialism or Death” banners compete with stirring admonitions to follow the life example of Che Guevara, a man who once declared that had it been his finger on the button during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, he would have gladly launched a nuclear salvo northward.

      Foreign analysts may debate the vitality of Fidel Castro's regime and the actual dangers it poses to the United States. What's clear, however, is that Cubans themselves have very different attitudes from those of el jefe when it comes to their Yankee neighbor ...
      by Published on 07-07-2012 08:55 PM

      Peter Tosh


      Peter Tosh was born into this world without a father or mother with the responsibility, or the time to raise young Peter. He was raised by his aunt, although Peter's personality would have you believe that he raised himself. An extremely self-reliant, self-dependent entity, Tosh fought for those who could not fight themselves. He was a voice for those who had not the means, nor the ability to speak to a worldwide audience. While those with power on the island of Jamaica saw Peter as a threat to the existing regime (A regime comprised of ...
      by Published on 07-08-2012 12:12 AM     Number of Views: 2938 

      George Jackson: Black Revolutionary
      By Walter Rodney, November 1971

      To most readers in this continent, starved of authentic information by the imperialist news agencies, the name of George Jackson is either unfamiliar or just a name. The powers that be in the United States put forward the official version that George Jackson was a dangerous criminal kept in maximum security in Americas toughest jails and still capable of killing a guard at Soledad Prison. They say that he himself was killed attempting escape this year in August. Official versions given by the United States of everything from the Bay of Pigs in Cuba to the Bay of Tonkin in Vietnam have the common characteristic of standing truth on its head. George Jackson was jailed ostensibly for stealing 70 dollars. He was given a sentence of one year to life because he was black, and he was kept incarcerated for years under the most dehumanizing conditions because he discovered that blackness need not be a badge of servility but rather could be a banner for uncompromising revolutionary struggle. He was murdered because he was doing too much to pass this attitude on to fellow prisoners. George Jackson was political prisoner and a black freedom fighter. He died at the hands of the enemy.

      Once it is made known that George Jackson was a black revolutionary in the white mans jails, at least one point is established, since we are familiar with the fact that a significant proportion of African nationalist leaders graduated from colonialist prisons, and right now the jails of South Africa hold captive some of the best of our brothers in that part of the continent. Furthermore, there is some considerable awareness that ever since the days of slavery the U.S.A. is nothing but a vast prison as far as African descendants are concerned. Within this prison, black life is cheap, so it should be no surprise that George Jackson was murdered by the San Quentin prison authorities who are responsible to Americas chief prison warder, Richard Nixon. What remains is to go beyond the generalities and to understand the most significant elements attaching to George Jacksons life and death.

      When he was killed in August this year, George Jackson was twenty nine years of age and had spent the last fifteen [correction: 11 years] behind bars�seven of these in special isolation. As he himself put it, he was from the lumpen. He was not part of the regular producer force of workers and peasants. Being cut off from the system of production, lumpen elements in the past rarely understood the society which victimized them and were not to be counted upon to take organized revolutionary steps within capitalist society. Indeed, the very term lumpen proletariat was originally intended to convey the inferiority of this sector as compared with the authentic working class.

      Yet George Jackson, like Malcolm X before him, educated himself painfully behind prison bars to the point where his clear vision of historical and contemporary reality and his ability to communicate his perspective frightened the U.S. power structure into physically liquidating him. Jacksons survival for so many years in vicious jails, his self-education, and his publication of Soledad Brother were tremendous personal achievements, and in addition they offer on interesting insight into the revolutionary potential of the black mass in the U.S.A., so many of whom have been reduced to the status of lumpen.

      Under capitalism, the worker is exploited through the alienation of part of the product of his labour. For the African peasant, the exploitation is effected through manipulation of the price of the crops which he laboured to produce. Yet, work has always been rated higher than unemployment, for the obvious reason that survival depends upon the ability to obtain work. Thus, early in the history of industrialization, workers coined the slogan the right to work. Masses of black people in the U.S.A. are deprived of this basic right. At best they live in a limbo of uncertainty as casual workers, last to be hired and first to be fired. The line between the unemployed or criminals cannot be dismissed as white lumpen in capitalist Europe were usually dismissed.

      The latter were considered as misfits and regular toilers served as the vanguard. The thirty-odd million black people in the U.S.A. are not misfits. They are the most oppressed and the most threatened as far as survival is concerned. The greatness of George Jackson is that he served as a dynamic spokesman for the most wretched among the oppressed, and he was in the vanguard of the most dangerous front of struggle.

      Jail is hardly an arena in which one would imagine that guerrilla warfare would take place. Yet, it is on this most disadvantaged of terrains that blacks have displayed the guts to wage a war for dignity and freedom. In Soledad Brother, George Jackson movingly reveals the nature of this struggle as it has evolved over the last few years. Some of the more recent episodes in the struggle at San Quentin prison are worth recording. On February 27th this year, black and brown (Mexican) prisoners announced the formation of a Third World Coalition. This came in the wake of such organizations as a Black Panther Branch at San Quentin and the establishment of SATE (Self-Advancement Through Education). This level of mobilisation of the nonwhite prisoners was resented and feared by white guards and some racist white prisoners. The latter formed themselves into a self-declared Nazi group, and months of violent incidents followed. Needless to say, with white authority on the side of the Nazis, Afro and Mexican brothers had a very hard time. George Jackson is not the only casualty on the side of the blacks. But their unity was maintained, and a majority of white prisoners either refused to support the Nazis or denounced them. So, even within prison walls the first principle to be observed was unity in struggle. Once the most oppressed had taken the initiative, then they could win allies.

      The struggle within the jails is having wider and wider repercussions every day. Firstly, it is creating true revolutionary cadres out of more and more lumpen. This is particularly true in the jails of California, but the movement is making its impact felt everywhere from Baltimore to Texas. Brothers inside are writing poetry, essays and letters which strip white capitalist America naked. Like the Soledad Brothers, they have come to learn that sociology books call us antisocial and brand us criminals, when actually the criminals are in the social register. The names of those who rule America are all in the social register.
      Secondly, it is solidifying the black community in a remarkable way. Petty bourgeois blacks also feel threatened by the manic police, judges and prison officers. Black intellectuals who used to be completely alienated from any form of struggle except their personal hustle now recognize the need to ally with and take their bearings from the street forces of the black unemployed, ghetto dwellers and prison inmates.

      Thirdly, the courage of black prisoners has elicited a response from white America. The small band of white revolutionaries has taken a positive stand. The Weathermen decried Jacksons murder by placing a few bombs in given places and the Communist Party supported the demand by the black prisoners and the Black Panther Party that the murder was to be investigated. On a more general note, white liberal America has been disturbed. The white liberals never like to be told that white capitalist society is too rotten to be reformed. Even the established capitalist press has come out with esposes of prison conditions, and the fascist massacres of black prisoners at Attica prison recently brought Senator Muskie out with a cry of enough.

      Fourthly (and for our purposes most significantly) the efforts of black prisoners and blacks in America as a whole have had international repercussions. The framed charges brought against Black Panther leaders and against Angela Davis have been denounced in many parts of the world. Committees of defense and solidarity have been formed in places as far as Havana and Leipzig. OPAAL declared August 18th as the day of international solidarity with Afro-Americans; and significantly most of their propaganda for this purpose ended with a call to Free All Political Prisoners.

      For more than a decade now, peoples liberation movements in Vietnam, Cuba, Southern Africa, etc., have held conversations with militants and progressives in the U.S.A. pointing to the duality and respective responsibilities of struggle within the imperialist camp. The revolution in the exploited colonies and neo-colonies has as its objective the expulsion of the imperialists: the revolution in the metropolis is to transform the capitalist relations of production in the countries of their origin. Since the U.S.A. is the overlord of world imperialism, it has been common to portray any progressive movement there as operating within the belly of the beast. Inside an isolation block in Soledad or San Quentin prisons, this was not merely a figurative expression. George Jackson knew well what it meant to seek for heightened socialist and humanist consciousness inside the belly of the white imperialist beast.

      International solidarity grows out of struggle in different localities. This is the truth so profoundly and simply expressed by Che Guevara when he called for the creation of one, two, three - many Vietnams. It has long been recognized that the white working class in the U.S.A is historically incapable of participating (as a class) in anti-imperialist struggle. White racism and Americas leading role in world imperialism transformed organized labour in the U.S. into a reactionary force. Conversely, the black struggle is internationally significant because it unmasks the barbarous social relations of capitalism and places the enemy on the defensive on his own home ground. This is amply illustrated in the political process which involved the three Soledad Brothers�George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette�as well as Angela Davis and a host of other blacks now behind prison bars in the U.S.A.

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