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    1. #1
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      Assata Shakur

      revolutionary; writer

      Personal Information

      Born JoAnne Deborah Byron (has used several aliases including Justine Henderon and Joan Davis; changed name to Assata Shakur), July 16, 1947, in Queens, NY; daughter of an accountant for the federal government and Doris Johnson (an elementary school teacher); married Louis Chesimard, April 1967 (divorced December 1970); children: Kakuya Amala Olugbala (daughter).
      Education: Received a GED; attended Manhattan Community College then transferred to City College of New York; pursued a master's degree in Cuba, 1987.


      Black revolutionary, writer, poet. Joined the Black Panther Party (BPP), 1970; left the BPP and became a member of the Black Liberation Army (BLA), 1970; charged with armed robbery of the Hilton Hotel in New York City, 1971 (case dismissed, 1977); charged with bank robbery in Queens, 1971 (acquitted, 1976); charged with bank robbery in the Bronx, 1972 (hung jury, 1973); charged with kidnapping of a drug dealer, 1972 (acquitted, 1975); charged with murder of a drug dealer, 1973 (case dismissed, 1974); charged with attempted murder of policemen, 1973 (case dismissed, 1974); charged with murder of New Jersey state trooper, 1973 (convicted and sentenced to life plus 26 to 33 years, to be served consecutively, 1977). Escaped from the New Jersey Corrections Institute for Women, 1979; was granted political asylum in Cuba, 1984. Published her autobiography, 1987.

      Life's Work

      Assata Shakur, formerly JoAnne Deborah Chesimard, has attained near-mythical status in the eyes of some observers. To the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the one-time leader of the Black Liberation Army (BLA)--considered to be possibly the most violent militant black organization of the 1970s--is an armed robber, a cop-killer, and an extremely dangerous escaped criminal now living in political asylum in Cuba. To her supporters, she is a woman of vision, courage, and action who has never received true justice. By her own description, she is a black revolutionary.

      Shakur is a product of America's turbulent sixties and seventies, when the struggle for black empowerment and civil rights that began a decade earlier rose to its most impassioned height. Frustrated and resentful over the lack of progress made by black organizations through peaceful means, groups such as the Black Panthers and the more radical Black Liberation Army became committed to the idea that violence would force the establishment to respond to the plight of black Americans.

      Assata Shakur was born JoAnne Deborah Byron in New York City on July 16, 1947. Until the age of three, she lived with her parents, her aunt, and her grandparents in a house in Flushing, Queens. Her father was an accountant for the federal government and her mother taught elementary school. When her parents divorced, JoAnne accompanied her grandparents, Frank and Lulu Hill, to Wilmington, North Carolina. In her autobiography, Assata, Shakur recalls how fervently they tried to instill in her a sense of personal dignity and self-esteem. "I was to be polite and respectful to adults," she wrote, "but when it came to dealing with white people in the segregated South, my grandmother would tell me menacingly, 'Don't you respect nobody that don't respect you, you hear me?'" In a place where blacks were barred from public beaches, her grandparents owned property and became small business owners. They ran a beach-front restaurant with lockers and changing rooms that provided a vacationing spot for people who may have never seen the ocean before. JoAnne helped out at the restaurant but much of her time was spent playing on the sun-drenched beach and reading the stacks of books her grandfather had brought her from the "colored' library.

      Segregation was a difficult concept for a child to grasp. In her book, she remembered: "Every day when we drove from the house on Seventh Street to the beach, we passed a beautiful park and zoo. And every day I would beg, plead, whine, and nag my grandmother to take me to the zoo." She thought her grandmother was the meanest woman in the world. "Finally, with the strangest look on her face, she told me that we were not allowed in the zoo. Because we were black." The nearby amusement park was also segregated. It was only after JoAnne's mother, who was visiting for the summer, created a commotion at the ticket window by pretending to be a Spanish citizen and threatening a diplomatic scandal that they were allowed in. "We laughed and talked about it for days." she recalled, "But it was a lesson I never forgot. Anybody, no matter who they were, could come right off the boat and get more respect than amerikan-born Blacks (sic)."

      Because JoAnne's grandparents feared that the segregated North Carolina school system was providing their grandchild with an inferior education, they sent JoAnne back to her mother and stepfather in New York. The eight-year-old was shifted from one end of the spectrum to the other; from her segregated, all-black community in the South into a middle-class, heavily Jewish, virtually all-white area of Queens. Her "political education begins," wrote the Washington Post, "she attends schools where black children are automatically put into remedial classes, watches television footage of mobs in Little Rock, AR, as they attack children trying to attend school, and begins to confront assumptions of inferiority from her teachers, classmates and herself."

      In third and fourth grades JoAnne was the only black child in her class and in the fifth she was one of only two. She was a smart, proud, outgoing, youngster who was always ready for a good fight. But like most black children of the fifties, she was never allowed to forget that she was different because she was black. "When I was growing up," she revealed in Assata, "being called 'Black,' period, was ground for fighting." Bigoted white children failed to see the natural, physical beauty of their African American schoolmates, and JoAnne and her friends became the victims of cruel, racist insults. "We had been completely brainwashed," she added. "We accepted white value systems and white standards of beauty.... We had never heard the words 'Black is beautiful' and the idea had never occurred to most of us."

      JoAnne dropped out of high school and began running away from home. She searched for odd jobs and tried to make it on her own, but life on the streets brought its own kind of education. She befriended a transvestite, briefly stayed with a family of professional shoplifters, and found herself in more than one dangerous situation. When her aunt, a lawyer named Evelyn Williams, found JoAnne and took her into her home, the 13-year old was working in a bar hustling drinks. JoAnne credits her aunt for expanding her education by introducing her to culture, museums, and theater, and for seeing to it that she got her Graduate Equivalent Degree (GED) after she quit high school permanently at the age of sixteen.

      In the late sixties, JoAnne entered Manhattan Community College. Intending to major in business administration, she was instead immediately drawn to the school's expanding black studies program and to the activities of the student body. "I had gone back to school at a time when struggle and activity were growing, when Black consciousness and nationalism were on the upswing," she explained in her autobiography. "I started reading everything I could get my hands on about black history, culture, and then politics and ideology." She attended civil rights meetings and took part in impassioned discussions. She joined a black students' group called the Society of the Golden Drums, where she met her husband, Louis Chesimard. She even changed her hair and dress to reflect her African roots. And she took on a Muslim name. "It was like being born again," she wrote. "It was then that I decided that the most important thing in my life was for me to struggle for the liberation of black people." JoAnne Chesimard became Assata Shakur.

      In 1970 Shakur joined the Black Panther Party (BPP) and was assigned to provide assistance to the black community through the medical cadre and the breakfast program. But she, like other members, soon became disappointed with the BPP. She left the party after coming to the conclusion that it was weak and ineffectual because it failed to reach its members with a unifying philosophy. Instead she turned to the Black Liberation Army (BLA), which was a more radical organization. The BLA believed that change would come about through revolution. According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, the aim of the BLA was to instigate revolution by assassinating police. New York detective John Flynn told the Inquirer, "They figured that the police would overreact and attack the black community. When that happened, they assumed they would be able to enlist other blacks in their fight."

      From 1971 to 1973, the Black Liberation Army was held responsible for a series of sniper attacks and bank robberies in New York, New Jersey, St. Louis, and Detroit. Assata Shakur, or JoAnne Chesimard as the media and authorities continued to call her, was acknowledged to be the soul of the BLA. She was personally charged with six different crimes, including bank robbery and the attempted murder of police officers. She maintained her innocence and was never convicted on those charges. But on March 25, 1977, she was found guilty of murder in another case.

      On May 2, 1973, the car that Shakur and her two companions were traveling in was stopped by the police on the New Jersey Turnpike. Gunfire was exchanged. A New Jersey state trooper and a former Black Panther information minister lay dead. Shakur was wounded in both arms and a shoulder; the second man she was riding with fled. The next day the New York Times reported that, at the time of her arrest, JoAnne Deborah Chesimard was wanted by the FBI for armed bank robbery and by the New York police in connection with the 1972 slaying of two policemen, as well as for a hand-grenade attack on a police car. The Times went on to say, "She apparently was being taken by two male companions to a new hideout in Philadelphia when their car was stopped at about 12:45am for a routine traffic check."

      In her autobiography, Shakur denies that she shot at anyone and claims that the militant and cop-killer labels put on her that day started a pattern of mistreatment and neglect by authorities that would continue throughout her incarceration. She tells of being harassed and even tortured by police in the hospital: "They are more careful where they hit me now. I guess they don't want to leave any marks." And she tells of being moved from New York's Roosevelt Hospital to a Middlesex, New Jersey, county workhouse where she was denied physical therapy for her injuries.

      Shakur began receiving mail from all over the country, most of it from supporters. In response, she made a tape called "To My People," which was broadcast via radio on July 4, 1973. In her speech she called herself a black revolutionary and denounced what she believed was hypocrisy in the U.S. legal system. In her view, the police and the courts had established double standards based on race and were treating black Americans unjustly, purely because of their color. Shakur was moved from the workhouse to the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women and, in September, to Middlesex County Jail to await trial on bank robbery charges. She described her cell there as a hot, dank, bug-infested room in the jail's basement, where she was subjected to constant surveillance and spotlights.

      Her next move was to New York's Rikers Island. The battle in court and the harsh treatment she received at the hands of the authorities were taking their toll on her. She was weak and sickly; the constant struggle with the judge and prosecutor over issues such as jury selection and the need for time to prepare their case created tension between Shakur and her Aunt Evelyn, who was representing her. In a moment of anger, Shakur even fired Evelyn and decided to represent herself. She turned to womens' rights activist and lawyer Florence Kennedy for legal advice. But Shakur and her aunt soon resolved their differences and resumed working together.

      It was during the beginning of the state trooper murder trial that Shakur discovered she was pregnant. The father was Fred Hilton, her co-defendant in the bank robbery trial. The two friends had been placed in a holding room to prevent them from continuously disrupting court. The news of her pregnancy made headlines, but it did not improve her living conditions. In her autobiography she wrote, "I was ... brought to the middlesex county jail for men (sic), and kept in solitary confinement from February 1974 until May 1974." Overall, Shakur would spend over twenty months in solitary confinement. When lawsuits were initiated on her behalf against the State of New Jersey, she was moved to New York. "When I arrived at Rikers Island again, I was anemic and malnourished, according to my entrance physical." All along she had been fighting for proper medical attention. On September 11, 1974, she gave birth to her daughter, Kakuya Amala Olugbala Shakur, at a local hospital. A few days later, Shakur was returned to Rikers Island.

      A mistrial was declared because of Shakur's pregnancy, but in a new murder trial held three years later in 1977, she was found guilty and sentenced to life plus 26 to 33 years. In 1978 she was transferred to a maximum security prison for women in West Virginia. But because that facility was being closed down and other prisons considered her too great a security risk, she was shipped back to the New Jersey Corrections Institute for Women. Then, on November 2, 1979, three visitors seized two prison guards at gunpoint and commandeered a prison van. Assata Shakur had escaped. On November 3, 1979, she made the FBI's most wanted list.

      With the help of her supporters, Shakur managed to elude the FBI for five years. In 1984 she was granted political asylum in Cuba and slipped out of U.S. jurisdiction. She was immediately impressed with the island and its people. There seemed to be no distinction made between black and white. In the final chapter of Assata, she noted: "Whenever I met someone who spoke English I asked their opinion about the race situation. 'Racism is illegal in Cuba,' I was told." Because the FBI kept her friends and family under close surveillance, Shakur could not risk contacting them until she was out of the country. But once in Cuba, she was visited by her mother and her Aunt Evelyn several times. And in 1987, her daughter, Kakuya, by then a pre-teen, went to live with her.

      According to the New York Daily News, at that time Shakur was pursuing a master's degree and living in a government-paid apartment in Havana, Cuba's capital. Also in 1987, Assata Shakur published her autobiography. In the book she doesn't spend time explaining the workings of the BLA or the details of the crimes she was accused of committing. Instead, she reveals the influences in her life that shaped her. She exposes her soul through the poetry tucked between the chapters. And she makes no apology for being a black revolutionary.

      Further Reading


      * Shakur, Assata: Assata: An Autobiography, Lawrence Hill Books, 1987.


      * Newsweek, September 27, 1993, p. 60.
      * New York Daily News, April 20, 1981; October 12, 1987.
      * New York Times, May 3, 1973; # November 19, 1982.
      # Philadelphia Inquirer, January 22, 1983.
      # Washington Post, February 29, 1988.
      " Fried, Baked, Grilled, Boiled Or Smoked, The Only Good Pig, Is A Dead Pig...Fuck The Holice!!!"

    2. #2
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      Assata Shakur

      Born July 16, 1947 or August 19, 1952
      New York City, New York, United States

      Assata Shakur[1] (July 16, 1947 - ), born Joanne Deborah Byron Chesimard,° is an African-American activist who was a member of the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army. In 1977 she was convicted of several felonies in relation to the 1973 slayings of New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster and fellow activist Zayd Malik Shakur.

      She escaped from prison in 1979 and has been living in Cuba with political asylum since 1984. Since May 2, 2005, she has been classified as a "domestic terrorist" by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which has offered a $1 million reward for assistance in her capture.

      She is the non-biological[2] godmother of hip hop artist Tupac Shakur.[3]

      Early life

      Shakur was born in New York City, New York on July 16, 1947, (or, according to the FBI, August 19, 1952) but spent most of her childhood in Wilmington, North Carolina[4] until her family relocated to Queens when she was a teenager. She attended Borough of Manhattan Community College and City College of New York in the mid 1960s, where she was involved in many political activities. After graduation, Shakur became involved in the Black Panther Party and the Black Liberation Army.[5] Shakur and others[6][7][8] claim that she was targeted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation's COINTELPRO as a result of her involvement with these organizations.[5]

      Msgr. John Powis alleged that Shakur was involved in an armed robbery at his Our Lady of the Presentation church in Brownsville, Brooklyn on September 14, 1972 based on FBI photographs; Shakur was not charged with this robbery and the only person arrested for it was acquitted.[9]

      In 1972, Shakur was made the subject of a nationwide manhunt after the F.B.I. alleged that she was the "revolutionary mother hen" of a Black Liberation Army cell which had conducted a "series of cold-blooded murders of New York City police officers."[7] After her capture, however, Shakur was charged with none of the killings which had made her the subject of the manhunt.[7]

      New Jersey Turnpike shootout

      On May 2, 1973, Shakur, at that time a member of the Black Liberation Army and no longer a member of the Black Panther Party, was stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike by State Troopers James Harper and Werner Foerster, along with two Black Panthers: Zayd Malik Shakur (no relation) and Sundiata Acoli, for driving with a broken taillight. Accounts of the confrontation differ (see the witnesses section below), but Zayd Shakur and Trooper Foerester were killed in the ensuing shootout, and Assata Shakur and Trooper Harper were injured.[10]

      Acoli then drove the car—which contained Assata, who was wounded, and Zayd, who was dead—several miles down the road, where Assata Shakur was apprehended. Acoli then exited the car and fled into the woods and was captured after a manhunt the following day.[11]


      Between 1973 and 1977, in New York and New Jersey, Shakur was indicted 10 times in 7 different criminal trials, including two bank robberies, the kidnapping of a Brooklyn heroin dealer, attempted murder of two Queens police officers steming from a January 23, 1973 failed ambush, and the murder of a New Jersey state trooper.[12][13][7] Shakur's defense attorneys included Lennex Hinds, William Kunstler, Evelyn Williams, Bob Bloom, Florynce Kennedy, Ray Brown, and Stanley Cohen, who died of unknown causes early on in Shakur's last trial.[13][14] Of these trials, three resulted in acquittals, one in a hung jury, and two in dismissals.[13] In one of her bank robbery trials, the jury determined that a widely-circulated F.B.I. photo allegedly showing her participating in the robbery was not her.[12]

      Judge Leon Gerofsky ordered a change of venue in 1973 to Morris County, New Jersey, saying "it is almost impossible to obtain a jury here comprised of people willing to accept the responsibility of impartiality so that defendants will be protected from transitory passion and prejudice."[10] Shakur was originally slated to be tried together with Acoli, but the trials were separated due to her pregnancy,[10] and hers resulted in a mistrial in 1974.[15] By the time her 1977 trial started, Acoli had already been convicted of firing the bullets which killed Trooper Foerester.[7]

      On March 25, 1977—back in Middlesex County, New Jersey—Shakur was convicted as an accomplice the murders of New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster and Zayd Shakur, possession of weapons, as well as assault and attempted murder of Trooper Harper. Under New Jersey law at the time, if a person's "mere presence" at a crime scene could be construed as "aiding and abetting" that crime, that person could be charged with the substantive crime.[10] She was sentenced to life plus 33 years in prison.[5][13][15]

      All of the jury members were white and five had personal ties to State Troopers.[10][16] The judge did not allow evidence of alleged COINTELPRO involvement to be admitted during her trial and refused to investigate a burglary of her defense counsel's office which resulted in the disappearance of trial documents.[16]


      Sundiata Acoli, Assata Shakur, Trooper Harper, and a New Jersey Turnpike driver who saw part of the incident were the only surviving witnesses.[10]

      Acoli did not testify or make any pre-trial statements.[10] The driver traveling North on the turnpike testified that he had seen a State Trooper struggling with a Black man between a white vehicle and a State Trooper car, whose revolving lights illuminated the area.[10]

      Shakur testified that Trooper Harper shot her after she raised her arms to comply with his demand, the second shot hitting her in the back as she was turning to avoid it, and that she climbed into the backseat of the Pontiac which Acoli drove five miles down the road and parked, and remained there until State Troopers dragged her onto the road.[10]

      Trooper Harper's three official reports state that after he stopped the Pontiac, he ordered Acoli to the back of the vehicle for Trooper Foerester—who had arrived on the scene—to examine his driver's license, and that after Acoli complied and as he was looking inside the vehicle to examine the registration, Trooper Foerester yelled and held up an ammunition clip, as Shakur simultaneously reached into her red pocketbook, pulled out a nine-millimeter weapon and fired at him. Trooper Harper's reports then state that he ran to the rear of his car and shot at Assata Shakur who had exited the vehicle and was firing from a crouched position next to the vehicle.[10][12] In his Grand Jury testimony, Trooper Harper swore under oath that these reports were correct.[10]

      Under cross-examination at both Acoli and Shakur's trials, Trooper Harper admitted to having lied in these reports and in his Grand Jury testimony about Trooper Foerester yelling and showing him an ammunition clip, about seeing Shakur holding a pocketbook or a gun inside the vehicle, and about Shakur shooting at him from the car.[10][12]

      Medical evidence

      A key element of Shakur's defense was medical testimony meant to demonstrate that she was shot with her hands up and that she would have been subsequently unable to fire a weapon. A neurologist testified that the median nerve in Shakur's right arm was severed by the second bullet, making her unable to pull a trigger;[15] a surgeon testified that it was "absolutely anatomically necessary" for Shakur's arms to have been in the air given her wounds and that Trooper Harper's claim that she was crouching was "totally anatomically impossible"; a pathologist testified that there was "no conceivable way" the first bullet could have hit Shakur's clavicle if her arm was down.[17]

      Forensic evidence

      Neutron activation analysis administered after the shootout showed no gun powder residue on Shakur's fingers, which—her lawyers argued—proved she could not have shot a weapon; her fingerprints were not found on any weapon at the scene, according to forensic analysis performed at the Trenton, New Jersey crime lab and the F.B.I. crime labs in Washington, D.C..[15][10]


      After the Turnpike shootings, Shakur was imprisoned in New Jersey State Reception and Correction center[18] in Yardville, Middlesex County, New Jersey and later moved to Rikers Island Correctional Institution for Women in New York City[4] where she was kept in solitary confinement.[19] Shakur's only daughter, Kakuya Shakur, was conceived during her trial and given birth to in prison.[13][4] On April 8, 1978, Shakur was transferred to Alderson Federal Prison Camp in Alderson, West Virginia where she met Puerto Rican nationalist Lolita Lebrón[4] and Mary Alice, a Catholic nun, who introduced Shakur to the concept of liberation theology.[20] At Alderson, Shakur was housed in the Maximum Security Unit, which also contained several members of the Aryan Sisterhood as well as Sandra Good and Lynette Fromme, followers of Charles Manson.[21]

      In 1978, after the Maximum Security Unit at Alderson was closed,[20] Shakur was transferred to the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey.[4]

      Escape and political asylum in Cuba

      On November 2, 1979 she escaped the Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey, after members of the Black Liberation Army conducted an armed action. No one, including the guards, was injured during the prison break.[7] Charged with assisting in her escape was her brother, Mutulu Shakur, and Silvia Baraldini. In part for his role in the event, Mutulu was named on July 23, 1982 as the 380th addition to the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list, where he remained for the next four years until his capture in 1986.

      After her escape, Assata lived as a fugitive for the next several years. The F.B.I. circulated "wanted" posters throughout the New York-New Jersey area; her supporters hung "Assata Shakur is welcome here" posters in response.[22]
      Assata: An Autobiography
      Assata: An Autobiography

      She fled to Cuba in 1984 where she was granted political asylum, saying she had never received a fair trial.[22] In 1985 she was reunited with her daughter, Kakuya, who had previously been raised by Shakur's mother in New York.[4] She published Assata: An Autobiography, which was written in Cuba, in 1987. Her autobiography does not give a detailed account of the events on the New Jersey Turnpike, except saying that the jury "Convicted a woman with her hands up!"[13]

      Shakur, to this day, maintains her innocence, and her writings to this effect have been widely circulated on the internet.[23]

      Extradition attempts

      In 1997, Carl Williams, the superintendent of the New Jersey State Police wrote a letter to the Pope John Paul II asking him to raise the issue of Shakur's extradition during his talks with President Fidel Castro.[24] During the pope's visit to Cuba in 1998, Shakur agreed to an interview with NBC journalist Ralph Penza.[25] On March 10, 1998—the 85th anniversary of the death of Harriet Tubman—New Jersey Governor Christine Todd Whitman asked Attorney General Janet Reno to do whatever it takes to return Shakur from Cuba.[26] Later in 1998, U.S. media widely reported claims that the United States State Department had offered to lift the Cuban embargo in exchange for the return of ninety U.S. political exiles, including Shakur.[27]

      In 1998, the United States Congress passed a resolution asking Cuba for the "return" of Joanne Chesimard; House Concurrent Resolution 254 passed 371-0 in the House and by unanimous consent in the Senate.[28] Many members of the Congressional Black Caucus later explained that they were against her extradition, but mistakenly voted for the bill which was placed on the accelerated suspension calendar, generally reserved for non-controversial legislation.[29] Representative Maxine Waters of California, who voted for the resolution, later explained her opposition, calling COINTELPRO "illegal, clandestine political persecution."[12]

      On May 2, 2005, the thirty-second anniversary of the Turnpike shootings, the F.B.I. classified her as a "domestic terrorist", increasing the reward for assistance in her capture to $1 million,[30][22] the largest reward placed on an individual in the history of New Jersey.[3] New Jersey State Police superintendent Rick Fuentes said "she is now 120 pounds of money."[3]


      A documentary film about Shakur, "Eyes of the Rainbow," written and directed by Gloria Rolando, appeared in 1997.[4]

      The National Conference of Black Lawyers, and Mos Def are among the professional organizations and entertainers to support Assata Shakur; The "Hands off Assata" campaign is organized by Dream Hampton.[3] Hip-hop artist Common recorded a tribute to Shakur, "A Song for Assata," on his album Like Water for Chocolate.[3] Rapper Paris recorded a similar "Assata's Song."[3]

      On December 12, 2006, the Chancellor of the City University of New York, Matthew Goldstein, directed City College's president, Gregory H. Williams, to remove the "unauthorized and inappropriate" designation of the "Guillermo Morales/Assata Shakur Community and Student Center," which was named by students in 1989, when a student group won the right to use the lounge after a campus shutdown over proposed tuition increases.[31] In 1995, Manhattan Community College renamed a scholarship which had previously been named for Shakur, following controversy.[32]


      * Churchill, Ward and James Vander Wall. 2002. The Cointelpro papers: documents from the FBI's secret wars against dissent in the United States. South End Press. ISBN 0896086488.
      * James, Joy. 2003. Imprisoned Intellectuals: America's Political Prisoners Write on Life, Liberation, and Rebellion. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0742520277.
      * Scheffler, Judith A. 2002. Wall Tappings: An International Anthology of Women's Prison Writings, 200 to the Present. Feminist Press. ISBN 1558612734.
      * Shakur, Assata. 1987 (New edition November 1, 1999). Assata: An Autobiography. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books. ISBN 1556520743.
      * Williams, Evelyn. 1993. Inadmissable Evidence: The Story of the African-American Trial Lawyer who Defended the Black Liberation Army. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Lawrence Hill Books.


      Note °: As early as 1973, Shakur referred to Joannne Chesimard as her "slave name."[33]

      1. ^ New York Times. 1978, March 31. Section 2; Page 17, Column 3.
      2. ^ Ryan, Andrew J. "Tupac Shakur: Keeping it Real vs. Keeping it Right."
      3. ^ a b c d e f Williams, Houston. 2005, May 2. "U.S. Government Declares $1 Million Bounty For Assata Shakur, Tupac's Godmother." All Hip Hop News.
      4. ^ a b c d e f g Scheffler, p. 203.
      5. ^ a b c James, Matthew Thomas. Joy James (Ed.). 2005. The New Abolitionists: (Neo)slave Narratives And Contemporary Prison Writings. SUNY Press. ISBN 0791464857. p. 77.
      6. ^ Howard Zinn and Anthony Arnove. 2004. Voices of a People's History of the United States. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1583226281. p. 470.
      7. ^ a b c d e f Ward Churchill and James Vander Wall. p. 308
      8. ^ Manning Marable and Leith Mullings. 2003. Let Nobody Turn Us Around: Voices of Resistance, Reform, and Renewal: an African American Anthology. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 084768346X. p. 529-530.
      9. ^ Daly, Michael. 2006, December 13. "The Msgr. & the Militant." New York Daily News.
      10. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m
      11. ^ Marpessa Kupendua. 1998, January 28. "Sundiatta Acoli." Revolutionary Worker. No. 94.
      12. ^ a b c d e Taylor, Mark Lewis. 1999, January 17. "Flight From Justice." New York Times. Section 14NJ; Page 15; Column 1.
      13. ^ a b c d e f Nelson, Jim. 1988, February 29. The Soul Survivor; Assata Shakur on the Making of a Radical." The Washington Post. p. B6.
      14. ^ Assata, p. 247.
      15. ^ a b c d Atty. Lennex Hinds. 1998, October 26. "The injustice of the trial." Covert Action Quarterly.
      16. ^ a b James, Joy. p. 144.
      17. ^ Shakur, Assata. "An Open Letter from Assata." p. 3.
      18. ^ Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wal. p. 410.
      19. ^ Muhammad, Nisa Islam. 2005, May 16. "Assata: The stakes are raised." Final Call News.
      20. ^ a b Scheffler, p. 206.
      21. ^ Scheffler, p. 204.
      22. ^ a b c Cleaver, Kathleen. 2005, August. "The Fugitive." Essesnce.
      23. ^ Chronic Magazine. "$1 million bounty on Tupac's godmother."
      24. ^ Chicago Sun Times. 1997, December 28. "N.J. cops enlist pope; Seek help in getting fugitive out of Cuba." p. 34.
      25. ^ Shakur, Assata. "An Open Letter from Assata." p. 2.
      26. ^ Brath, Elombe. 1998, March 13. "N.J. Bloodhounds on Assata's Trail." NY Daily Challenge.
      27. ^ James, Joy. p. 115.
      28. ^ House Concurrent Resolution 254.
      29. ^ Waters, Maxine. 1998, September 29. "Congresswoman Waters issues statement on U.S. Freedom Fighter Assata Shakur."
      30. ^ Cleaver, Kathleen. 2005. "The Fugitive: Why has the FBI placed a million-dollar bounty on Assata Shakur?."
      31. ^ Arenson, Karen W. 2006, December 13. "CUNY Chief Orders Names Stripped From Student Center." New York Times.
      32. ^ Honan, William H. 1995, April 12. "Two Scholarships Given New Names After Controversy." New York Times. Section B; Page 11; Column 4.
      33. ^ William L. Van Deburg. 1997. Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan. NYU Press. ISBN 0814787894. p. 269.

      External links

      * www.AssataShakur.Org
      * www.PanAfrican.TV interviews
      " Fried, Baked, Grilled, Boiled Or Smoked, The Only Good Pig, Is A Dead Pig...Fuck The Holice!!!"

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      Assata Shakur Speaks is an Forum Devoted To Assata Shakur And All Political Prisoners Around The World.
      Assata Shakur Speaks Is An Oasis Of Pan African Information Geared Towards The Liberation Of Afrikan People.

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