Point 16. of the UNIA
“Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World”: The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, states

"We believe all men should live in peace one with the other, but when races and nations provoke the ire of other races and nations by attempting to infringe upon their rights[,] war becomes inevitable, and the attempt in any way to free one’s self or protect one’s rights or heritage becomes justifiable."

According to Clausewitz's war is the "continuation of politics (Politik) by other means", this view was shared by Ho Chi Minh, General Giap and other leaders of the Vietnamese liberation struggle. It is also the view of adherents to philosophical consciencism.

Hernce in Dr. Kwame Nkrumah's book, Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, you will find the following statement "If armed militia are not organised the masses cannot manifest their power in the struggle against the enemy."

How do we achieve this kind of political - military power? Well obviously it must start with ideology / philosophy and organization.

"...Every true revolution is a program; and derived from a new, general, positive and organic principle. The first thing necessary is to accept that principle. Its development must then be confined to men who are believers in it, and emancipated from every tie or connection with any principle of an opposite nature. " from Consciencism

Osagyefo further elucidates

"Practice without thought is blind; thought without practice is empty. The
three segments of African society which I specified in the last chapter, the
traditional, the Western, and the Islamic, co-exist uneasily; the principles
animating them are often in conflict with one another. I have in illustration
tried to show how the principles which inform capitalism are in conflict with
the socialist egalitarianism of the traditional African society.

"What is to be done then? I have stressed that the two other segments, in
order to be rightfully seen, must be accommodated only as experiences of the
traditional African society. If we fail to do this our society will be racked
by the most malignant schizophrenia.

"Our attitude to the Western, and the Islamic experience must be purposeful.
It must also be guided by thought. For practice without thought is blind.
What is called for as a first step is a body of connected thought which will
determine the general nature of our action in unifying the society which we have
inherited, this unification to take account, at all times, of the elevated
ideals underlying the traditional African society. Social revolution must
therefore have, standing firmly behind it, an intellectual revolution, a
revolution in which our thinking and philosophy are directed towards the redemption of our society. Our philosophy must find its weapon in the environment and living
conditions of African people. It is from those conditions that the intellectual content of our ideology must be created. The emancipation of the African continent is the emancipation of man. This requires two aims: first, the recognition of the egalitarianism of human society, and second, the logistic mobilization of all our resources toward the attainment of that restitution.

"The philosophy that must stand behind this social revolution is that which I
have once referred to as philosophical consciencism; consciencism is the map
in intellectual terms of the disposition of forces which will enable African
society to digest the Western and the Islamic and the Euro-Christian elements
in Africa, and develop them in such a way that they fit into the African
personality. The African personality is itself defined by the cluster of
humanist principles which underlie the traditional African society. Philosophical
consciencism is that philosophical standpoint which, taking its start from the
present content of the African conscience, indicates the way in which progress
is forged out of the conflict in that conscience."

Organizationally he left clear instructions, guidelines, parameters and metrics for our use in Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare. He calkled for the creation of an All African Committee for Political Coordination (AACPC) - made up of all struggling African parties -- which he defined as those fighting against neo-colonialism, and the ruling parties of the socialist African states. These parties would be represented by a member of their central committee. Its two roles and functions are as follows:

1. To prepare the ideological terrain for the emergence of an All-African People's Revolutionary Party (AAPRP), whose function is to "...coordinate policies and direct action." and serve as the political leadership for ....

On the link between the AACPC and the AAPRP he wrote,

"The formation of a political party linking all liberated territories and struggling parties under a common ideology will smooth the way for eventual continental unity, and will at the same time greatly assist the prosecution of the All-African people's war. To assist the process of its formation, an All-African Committee for Political Co-ordination (AACPC) should be established to act as a liason between all parties which recognise the urgent necessity of conducting an organised and unified struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism. This Committee would be created at the level of the central committees of the ruling parties and the struggling parties and would consitute their integrated political consciousness."


2. The AACPC would provide the political leadership, direction, coordination and general management; as well as create the All-African People's Revolutionary Army (AAPRA) whose sole function would be to prosecute the All-African war against the remaining colonial, neocolonial forces and any related elements of imperialist domination in Africa.

As Nkrumah wrote in Handbook of Revolutionary Warfare, the AACPC specific role vis a vis the AAPRA,

"The AACPC as the political arm of the AAPRA would fulfil the following functions:

1. Ensure co-operation between the ruling parties of the liberated territories building socialism; and enable them to support each other in the fight against the internal enemy.
2. Promote widespread and collective ideological training for the cadres of parties teaching the theory of anti-colonialist struggle, the case for African unity and for the building of socialism. This would be done in AACPC schools or in political training camps throughout the liberated territories.
3. Co-ordinate and harmonise all political effort and assistance given in the revolutionary movements in colonised or apartheid areas, and to the progressive forces in all the neo-colonised areas.
4. Provide an organic link with the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America who are struggling against imperialism (Organisation of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America (OSPAAL).) (Note there is an OSPAAL in existence today, based in revolutionary Cuba - Roy)
5. Ensure permanent relations with the socialist states of the world.
6. Maintain and create links with all worker's movements in the capitalist-imperialist states.

"Thus the AACPC would emerge as the organisational insturment of a united struggle, and a centralising and disciplinary organ providing permanent contact with the masses and with the scattered centres of their revolutionary activities. Such co-ordination would unify revolutionary action of the vanguard African territories and would enable them to exert decisive influence on the revolutionary liberation movement by allowing them to participate actively in it."

As for the AAPRA specifically, he wrote,

"Members of AAPRA will be the armed representative of the African people's socialist parties struggling against colonialism and neo-colonialism. They will be the direct product of the African revolutionary, liberation movement...

"These revolutionary armed forces will be under the direction of a high command made up of the military leaders (AAPRA) of the various revolutionary movements in Africa. This in turn willcome under the All-African Committee for Political Co-ordination (AACPC) which represents the political leadership of the entire revolutionary movement. Thus the military, i.e, the armed forces, will always be subordinate to, and under the control of, the political leadership." Nkrumah stated that the AAPRA should be composed of five armies, correspoding to the following geo-strategic areas: Northern, Western, Southern, Cental and Eastern.

He also advocated that armed militia of the people be created to assist the AAPRA, as he said

"...it is essential to use the armed forces in conjunction with the masses in order to defeat the enemy. This can best be done through the creation of people's self-defence units (militia) trained to form a broad, united front against imperialism ready to operate anywhere in Africa. (NOTE his reference to armed forces refers to the All-African People Revolutionary Army which he advocated. Roy)

"If armed militia are not organised the masses cannot manifest their power in the struggle against the enemy." (NOTE this statement wias emphasized by Osagyefo by rending it as bold. Roy)

As for the nature, source and use of our human capital in this political-military struggle, he wrote,

"our objective remains the same throughout, to mobilise all the human forces at our disposal in order to create a decisive, revolutionary, flexible and multiform striking force." (NOTE here Osagyefo emphasizes the works striking force by italicizing them. Roy)

Nkrumah further outlined the following as the human resources to be mobilized, organized and deployed in our All-African war of liberation:

"a. the peasants
b. the workers in industries, mines and trade
c. the enlightened elements of the petty bourgeoisie, i.e. the revolutionary petty bourgeoisie, some of whom will help to organise and canalise the people's insurgency against imperialist aggressoin into a real revolutionary struggle.
d. students
e. certain anti-imperialist elements of the local bourgeoisie, i.e. the patriotic bourgeoisie
f. co-operative and farmer's movements
g. nationalist bureacratic bourgeoisie
h. revolutionary outsiders, i.e. those elements who have dissociated themselves from the conservative ideology connected with their class origin. These are usually young men and women with a certain educational background."

Osagefyo defined revolutionary outsiders as

"1. Africans who have dissociated themselves from the ideology connected with their class origin.
2. Men and women of African descent living overseas
3. Foreigners who for various reasons have become interested in the African revolution, and wish to take an active part in the revolutionary struggle."

(NOTE You will notice that he makes a distinction between Africans in the Diaspora and foreigners, in line with his understanding that all Black people all over the world are Africans, and belong to the African Nation (Class Striggle in Africa). Foreigners refers to people such as the great revolutionary Che who fought along side the Congolese for example.)

This view of human capital is also in line with his view and comprehension that the armed retaliation of African revolutionaries in the US was a function and vital front of the All-African war...this is a vital point that must NOT be overlooked.

For those who are interested there is an excellent selection of links, maintained by Loyola University in Maryland, of documents of the role of "intelligence" and related functions in the US military. It is very comprehensive.