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Union Government in Africa Dedicated to exploring the history and future of the struggle to build an All-African socialist government.

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Old 11-08-2005
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Assata Shakur and Pan-Africanism

Assata Shakur and Pan-Africanism

(This was also posted on the Pan-Afrikanism/African-Centric forum)

In the words of Sister Assata Shakur...

"...i had long ago become convinced that revolution was a science. Generalities were no longer enough for me. Like my comrades, I believed that a higher level of political sophistication was necessary and that unity in the Black community had become a priority. We could never afford to forget the lessons we had learned from COINTELPRO. As far as i was concerned, building a sense of national consciousness was one of the most important tasks that lay ahead of us. I couldn't see how we could seriously struggle without having a strong sense of collectivity, without being responsible FOR each other and TO each other.

"It was also clear to me that without a truly internationalist component nationalism was reactionary. There was nothing revolutionary about nationalism by itself - Hitler and Mussolini were nationalists. Any community seriously concerned with its own freedom has to be concerned about other peoples' freedom as well. The victory of oppressed people anywhere in the world is a victory for Black people. Each time one of imperialism's tentacles is cut off we are closer to liberation. The struggle in South Africa is the most important battle of the century for Black people. The defeat of apartheid in South Africa will bring Africans all over the planet closer to liberation. Imperialism is an international system of exploitation, and, we, as revolutionaries, need to be internationalists to defeat it." Assata Shakur, pp. 266-7 Assata An Autobiography


She makes some critical points vital to understanding Pan-Africanism and particularly the Pan-Africanism as developed under; and derived from the theory and work of; its leading ideological influences, first and foremost, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and his closest colleague at arms, Pres. Seku Ture.

The first point our comrade sister makes is her emphasis on the need for a scientific approach to our revolution, the second is the clear linking of nationalism with anti-imperialist internationalism and the third is her comprehension of the primacy of Africa.

Why are these so important? The scientific approach is best equipped to insure our objectivity and conciseness in our analysis and work. And the use of scientific methods are the key to achieve our national, international and general social goals. We will need as much science as possible if we are to overcome the multitude of internal and external hurdles standing in our way in our struggle for true freedom.

Externally, we face the major capitalist powers, normally referred to as the western world. The people in the western (that is Europe and those states that are either direct creations of European settlers societies or super-neo-colonies such as Japan) have a long and steep learning curve when it comes to issue of global justice and peace. The citizens of these countries are probably the most ignorant and biased people on the face of the planet. Of course the majority of this ignorance and bias is found in those communities which have clearly defined vested interests and are addicted to the false "superiority" derived from the systematic production of psychic capital based on the bigoted and ethnocentric fallacies underpinning the founding and continued construction of these societies. These demographics groups, overwhelmingly Europeans or individuals of European descent, do not want to deviate from the current state of existence, hence they will probably never change unless compelled to do so by superior agency capabilities.


Internally, we are confronted with outright traitors of the Tshombe and Condoleeza Rice type and the elitism of much of the leadership on the continent. The former is obvious the blood of the innocent testifies to the activities of this kind. The second element is a little less obvious, as for example leadership in the AU consistently pays lip service to Pan-Africanism, but in their actions they reject the basic tenets of Pan-Africanism: independent and socially positive economics, independent political and military agencies and so on. Instead they embrace the western socieites as saviors in the NEPAD program. For the African Union (AU) to place such faith and invest so much hope in these societies, as it does in its pursuit of the NEPAD agenda, is sheer collective suicide and worse.

It would serve Africa better if they would study and assimilate the lessons of the great Pan-Africanist revolutionaries such as Dr. Nkrumah. He demonstrates how Pan-African agencies would defeat imperialism, which is in its last stage, neo-colonialism and thereby raise the standard of living for Africans all over the world because it would give Africans at home the control of its economy and thus the immense resources of Africa would go for the benefit of Africans at home and the world generally. As he said until Africa is liberated and united, the Africans scattered across the world will lack a national home and once it is liberated and united, All Africans everywhere will be citizens of a mighty nation. As he wrote:

In the earlier chapters of this book I have set out the argument for African unity and have explained how this unity would destroy neo-colonialism in Africa. In later chapters I have explained how strong is the world position of those who profit from neo-colonialism. Nevertheless, African unity is something which is within the grasp of the African people. The foreign firms who exploit our resources long ago saw the strength to be gained from acting on a Pan-African scale. By means of interlocking directorships, cross-shareholdings and other devices, groups of apparently different companies have formed, in fact, one enormous capitalist monopoly. The only effective way to challenge this economic empire and to recover possession of our heritage, is for us also to act on a Pan-African basis, through a Union Government.

No one would suggest that if all the peoples of Africa combined to establish their unity their decision could be revoked by the forces of neo-colonialism. On the contrary, faced with a new situation, those who practise neo-colonialism would adjust themselves to this new balance of world forces in exactly the same way as the capitalist world has in the past adjusted itself to any other change in the balance of power.
Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism
p 259

In fact, the AU has committed itself to capitalist economies, the continued dependence on foreign capital, organization based on regions and the effective exclusion of the people in the decision making process. This is nothing more than neo-colonialism. For example here are direct extracts from the AU's explanation of the NEPAD approach:

“Across the continent, Africans declare that we will no longer allow ourselves to be conditioned by circumstance. We will determine our own destiny and call on the rest of the world to complement our efforts. There are already signs of progress and hope. Democratic regimes that are committed to the protection of human rights, people-centred development and market-oriented economies are on the increase… (point 7)
...
Africa’s place in the global community is defined by the fact that the continent is an indispensable resource based that has served all humanity for so many centuries (point 9)

10 The rich complex of mineral, oil and gas deposits, its flora and fauna, and its unspoiled natural habitat, which provide the basis for mining, agriculture, tourism and industrial development…

These economic conditions point to the need for African countries to pool their resources and enhance regional development and economic integration on the continent, in order to improve international competitiveness. The five sub-regional economic groupings of the continent must, therefore, be strengthened. (Point 95)

We recognize also that if infrastructure is to improve in Africa, private foreign finance is essential to complement the two major funding methods, namely credit and aid. (Point 103) of the NEPAD

African progressive opinion has severly criticized this approach, ranging from academicians, youth leaders, clergy, workers representatives, journalists, economists, activists such as Dr. Tajudeen; to revolutionaries such as PAC Foreign Affairs Minister, Mohau Pheko.

The NEPAD approach does not meet Comrade Shakur's standard of science, anti-imperialist internationalism and certainly does not approach Pan-Africanism as understood by Nkrumah, Ture.and their many associates from the four corners of the African world. Where Nkrumah and Ture talked about the need for scientific socialism the AU leadership on the whole sees scientific socialism as an anathema and advocate capitalist market development; where Pan-Africanists such as Nkrumah and Ture wanted a Union government of the whole continent and eschewed the concept of regions as playing into the hands of imperialism and neo-colonialism, the AU leadership prefers to toy with the concept of a possible confederation, based on the regional organizations at some nebulous future date. Where Nkruman and Ture wanted to develop the indigenous economic and political potential of Africa and Africans, the AU leadership has wedded itself to external sources of capital and capitalist veto-power over the political actions of Africa, including giving the leading capitalist input into the peer review process. It is an insane approach.

So, it is up to us, the people of Africa, to realize the dreams and plans of Marcus and Amy Garvey, Malcolm, Kwame Ture, the DuBois's, Padmore, Lumumba, Sobukwe, Seku Ture, Kwame Nkrumah and the millions upon millions of African people who worked and in far too many instances died for the cause of our liberation and unity. It is up to us to take up the banner held so high by Comrade Shakur and all the other African revolutionaries, alive and dead.
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